The Crisis in The Socialist Party - William Z. Foster - Chapter 4



welcome to the audio dap tation of william z fosters the crisis in the Socialist Party chapter for the present situation in the Socialist Party the term to the left as we have seen the present crisis in the Socialist Party is not a matter of recent development it is the piled up result of long years of wrong policy of right opportunism a flagrant violation of the Marxian class struggle policy which is fundamentally necessary to build the Socialist Party but in the last three years there has been something of a change in the Socialist Party's traditional trend that party has shown fresh left tendencies and with them some signs of renewed growth and activity among the more market of these tendencies were an overhauling of the Socialist Party's theoretical line which resulted in the adoption of a more Left statement of principles in the Detroit 1934 convention greater mass activity in the daily class struggle especially among the unemployed a growing tendency towards United Front movement the Communist Party a growth of the party's membership from ten thousand three hundred and eighty nine in 1931 the 9121 in 1935 an increase in the national election vote to eight hundred eighty three thousand three hundred and forty one in 1932 as against two hundred and sixty two thousand eight hundred and five in 1928 the defeat of the old guard as the party leadership and the split with these elements at the Cleveland 1936 National Party convention a number of forces combined to bring about the new Left tendencies in the Socialist Party the most decisive of these was the great radicalization of the proletariat during the past few years marked by the many big struggles of the unemployed the huge strike wave the expansion of the unions the growth of labour party sentiment the formation of the CIO the widely spreading mask discontent capitalist as a system etc this basic mass radicalization movement naturally had its effect upon the Socialist Party by forcing it especially from the pressure for its new proletarian members into activity into a more left position another very important factor in the socialist parties reawaken was the shameful surrender of German social democracy in face of the rise of Hitler this developments followed soon afterward by the victory of fascism and Austria exposed the utter bankruptcy of social reform ISM and stimulated the left tendency not only in the American Socialist Party but also in many other parties of the second Internationale another basic factor greatly encouraging left developments in the Socialist Party was continued success of the Soviet Union the victorious Soviet government the fruit of communist policy stands out in glaring contrast with the great defeat of the whole line of the socialist reforest and consequently has a revolutionising effect upon the proletarian members of the Socialist Party the growth of the Popular Front movement in Spain and France in the past two years had a similar result and finally the growth of the American Communist Party in contrast to the crippled Socialist Party has a big influence and developed and left sentiment among the Socialist Party of working class members the Communist Party welcomes the new left tendencies in the Socialist Party for the good and obvious reason that every increase a revolutionary sentiment and organization is fundamentally advantageous to the working class and hence also to the Communist Party and in supporting the new Left trends in the Socialist Party a central task is to analyze and evaluate them the question before us here is to learn whether in its new orientation the Socialist Party has succeeded in overcoming the ruinous reformist policies which have pursued for a full generation and which have reduced it to its present critical position the Socialist Party's petty bourgeois leadership first let us consider the question of leadership in previous pages I appointed what a disaster it was for the Socialist Party to have been dominated from the outset by a petty bourgeois leadership of lawyers preachers doctors etc they were the chief source of the opportunism that hamstrung the party throughout the years what has happened to the Socialist Party then in this respect in its new left term here we get an unfavorable answer the situation remains substantially as before true a raft of these petty bourgeois reformist squit party in the 1936 right wing split from the People's Party and are now waging war against the Socialist Party there are new young leaders developing in the Socialist Party but still the party is heavily dominated by non proletarian elements this was manifested at the Cleveland Convention with its many preachers lawyers etc and it is also expressed by the petty-bourgeois makeup of the Socialist Party National Executive Committee of the eleven members in this committee for our lawyers for our preachers and to our professors only one is a proletarian and he is a trade union official comparing the Socialist Party non working-class leadership with the political committee of the Communist Party which is composed of 11 members all proletarians the Communist Party is not in principle against the membership of middle-class intellectuals such intellectuals when they are revolutionary have a great contribution to the make the working-class movement this was brilliantly demonstrated by the life work of Marx angles Lenin and many others but not by the type of opportunists intellectuals that have always shaped the policies of the American Socialist Party throughout its entire history these petty bourgeois reformists have been a barrier in the way of the socialist parties developing a healthy class struggle policy and despite the new Left trends that barrier still exists the proletarianization of the leadership of the Socialist Party is a fundamental necessity in order for that organization to develop towards a strong and Revolutionary Party next we turn to the question of policy I shall state the question concretely in previous chapters I have pointed out in considerable detail how the inability of the Socialist Party to build itself into a strong Revolutionary Party during its long history must be ascribed to its failure to carry out a Marxian class struggle policy that is a its failure to overcome aggressively as the mass leader of the working class in its struggle for everyday economic and political demands be its failure to educate and develop a solid body of trained mark scene revolutionaries as the backbone of the party now let's see whether or not the Socialist Party with its recent left turn has liquidated these two fatal reforest weaknesses or shows indications of doing so part one the question of the daily mass struggles the answer to this question must be negative the Socialist Party's new line especially in its latest developments does not make for increasing its leadership of the masses in their daily economic and political struggles throughout the history of the Socialist Party prior to 1934 as we have seen the openly right-wing reformist policy of the party the tendency for the opportunist petit-bourgeois leaders to soft-pedal and compromise all struggles of the workers was the obstacle that prevented the Socialist Party from becoming the daily mass leader of the proletariat the party has not despite in its new turn been able to free itself of the traditional reformism it has only succeeded in adding new forms to its reforest line these new forms of reformism consist of a tendency towards sectarianism the sectarian tendency dresses itself up with many revolutionary phrases but it is opportunistic just the same and it is no less fatal to effective mass work than open right opportunism it has been especially manifest in the past year and has already done the socialist party much harm unless it is steadily correct it will have deadly effects upon the Socialist Party by still further isolating it from the life and struggles of the masses a the new Socialist Party sectarian reformism there is a present a great theoretical confusion in the Socialist Party what with groups of old guard reformists Tom Seitz ho Knights militants Trotskyites love stone Knights and a minority of developing Leninists all advocating the respective policies and struggling for control of the party while the split off old guard makes war with thee from the outside the dominant voice in the inner party chaos is that of Norman Thomas he is the outstanding theoretical leader of the party and he is especially active in injecting the new elements of sectarianism into the general reformist line the party his program boils down to a curious combination of the right and left sectarianism superimposed upon a basic structure of the old discredited class collaboration of the second Internationale it is not surprising that there should develop sectarian tendencies of revolutionary phrase mongering among the Socialist Party membership unquestionably the proletarian members of the Socialist Party in their new left mood want to make revolutionary organization of the party but with no solid Marxian training as a background they drift off into more near revolutionary phrase making instead of making a sound revolutionary policy it is what Lynne called the infantile sickness of leftism this tendency is worsened by the petty bourgeois opportunist leadership of the party which systematically diverts the workers revolutionary moves into mere radical phrase making and thus avoids real mass struggle they continue their opportunist line in a different form at first glance it may seem astonishing that a pronounced advocate of the new sectarian tendency should be Norman Thomas who hid hair to has always been an open right tunas but such left they juries are not uncommon on the part of the socialist middle class intellectuals all over the world I need only refer to the case of the ultra opportunist ze Russell joining with Deb's and warning against opportunism and Socialist Party in their pamphlet danger ahead or the case of the reformist frank bond lining up with the bill Haywood in 1912 in her party fight or the recent instance of a J must who is a few years completed the cycle of preacher progressive trade units left socialists Trotskyite and then back to preacher again right opportunists can easily fly over to left sectarian positions the sectarian danger in the Socialist Party was greatly increased by that party's recent absorption of the Trotskyite group just at the time when the counter revolutionary elements were being proved to be terrorists and assassins the Socialist Party saw fit to take them to its bosom but it will inevitably for this mistake in loss of strength and influence the Trotskyites who are finding easy pickings in the confused chaotic Socialist Party are attending greatly to turn that organization into an anti-communist anti-soviet sect this will drive the best worker elements out of the Socialist Party and will further weaken its contacts with the masses not long since the French Socialist Party also made that mistake of swallowing the noisome trotskyist group but it soon had to relieve itself of the poisonous in the jest able Ness and the American Socialist Party will have to do the same that is to develop into a healthy party be underestimation of immediate demands now let's look at the practical application of the Socialist Party's new mixture of sectarianism and right reformism of which Thomas is the great champion the heart of Thomas theorizing is to the effect that in as much as capitalism is now breaking down the fight for partial economic and political demands is relatively unimportant and the immediate issue upon which all intentions should be concentrated is the basic revolutionary question of socialism versus capitalism his position in substance is that the workers cannot satisfy their most immediate needs or protect their most elementary rights short of establishing a social society Thomas says the immediate demand of the Socialists is socialism now all of this sounds very revolutionary especially coming from Norman Thomas who only three years ago was enthused over the steps towards socialism of Roosevelt but actually it is only radical phrase mongering its general effect is to weaken the struggle of the workers and to play into the hands of the bosses its continuance will make havoc with what membership and standing the Socialist Party still has left Thomas playing down of immediate partial demands goes counter to the whole need and trend of the revolutionary movement his line is one of mere agitation not struggle the fight for partial demands is the starting point for revolutionary struggle and never did they play such a vital role as they do now with the workers Civic working and living standards being so viciously attacked by the growing fascist reaction as the Communist Party correctly stresses a militant defense of the workers immediate interest in the first condition for the development of struggle against capitalism as a system it is only in such fights that the workers can develop the necessary understanding confidence and organization when Thomas puts out his slogan if reform is the only way out better stick with the Roosevelt administration and then backs this up by soft-pedaling the fight for immediate issues confronting toiling masses in my concentrating upon mere agitation for the establishment of socialism he abandons the present-day fighting field of the revolutionary movement and reduces the whole struggle for socialism to an empty abstraction he not only undermines the present they fight the workers but the ultimate aims of the working class as well in the name of socialism he hamstrings the fight for socialism and the effect of it all upon the Socialist Party is still further to isolate it from the life and struggle of the masses and thus to push it along the fatal road of sectarianism it is also water under the mill of the counter-revolutionary Trotskyites who work struggling to control a socialist party see the retreat before fascism consequent upon his failure to perceive the fundamental importance of the fight for immediate demands in the development of the revolutionary struggle in general Thomas abandons the field in the face of advancing fascism with his constant harping upon the new string of socialism versus capitalism he quits the real revolutionary battle which in its present preliminary stages is now being waged around the central question of democracy versus fascism is this not as clear as day in France and Spain there the workers and their allies who in their overwhelming mass would remain unresponsive to sterile and academic talks such as Thomas about establishing socialism forthwith are nevertheless drawn as a revolutionary activity by their fight against the attacks of the fascists upon their present civic working and living standards their movement begins as a defensive fight for the most elementary immediate needs their wages their right to organize the national independence of their countries etc but it soon passes over to a counter-offensive struggle for major objectives making definitely towards a revolutionary clash with capitalism thus in France the workers and her allies were not content simply with sending up the Blum government as a defense against fascism but carry their counter-offensive much further adding 3 million new members to the trade unions securing wage increases shorter hours vacations with pay etc etc and in Spain this whole revolutionary trend is even more market who can doubt but that masses in these countries starting from their defense of their democratic rights and developing their counter-offensive have made huge strides and direction of the final straw over socialism and the same general rule applies to the United States when Thomas does not see the question of progress versus reaction of democracy versus fascism as the issue of immediate struggle he fails to see the present-day revolutionary struggle in general and he lives in a realm of reform a sectarian abstractions where Tom is a blindness on this issue of democracy versus fascism leads to an actual practice is shown by the tragically ridiculous position of the Socialist Party in the 1936 presidential election campaign which is still going on as I write this the situation is that the Liberty League and other great capitalist interests which embody the real threat fascism and of which such figures of Coughlin Smith Talmadge etc our satellites are bitterly opposed to Roosevelt's concessions to the toiling masses meager though they were and they were almost solidly behind Landon Roosevelt has served them well his proudest boast is that he saved the capitalist system by the New Deal but the big exploiters are determined to find an even more convenient instrument for putting across their ultra reactionary program a program which inevitably leads the direction of fascism it is clear the Republican candidate Landon with his false face of liberalism in his tutelage by the fascist Hurst is the spokesman of the main fascist danger in this country although he himself is not definitely a fascist and while his victory would not result immediately in the establishment of fascism it would nevertheless undoubtedly stimulate enormous Lee that employers reactionary offense and greatly facilitate the growth of fascist tendencies in line with the realities of the situation therefore the Communist Party has correctly singled out Landon as the chief expression of the fascist menace and urges his defeat but this by no means implies endorsement of Roosevelt on the contrary the communist party points out that with his constant service to reactionary fine Capital Roosevelt is an ardent defender of capitalism and is no barrier to fascism it advocates the formation of a united front against anti fascist farmer Labor Party in the absence of such a party in the present elections that calls upon the masses to vote for the Communist Party candidates Browder and Ford but Thomas can see no fascist danger in Landon quite the reverse he concentrates his main fire against Roosevelt and gives direct support to Hurst's main aim gives direct support to Hearst man Landon the fascist like election strategy at Republican Party and it's heavy financial backers is through the candidacy of Landon to put something of a liberal face upon the reactionary program and thus delude the masses but Thomas instead of joining with the Communists trade unionists liberals etc in exposing the dangerous demagogue ik trick proceeds to give it practical support Thomas aids the capitalist demagogy by absolving Landon in any taint of fascism accepting the pseudo liberalism and its face value he is sales that communists for scribing a fascist tendency of Landon and he can see the trend towards fascism only in such figures as Coughlin Smith etc says Thomas quote the fascist demagogue will talk like Huey Long or maybe the limp but not like Landon or Knox and the quote this attitude constitutes direct aid to the fascist hurts candidate and it tends to disarm the masses and ler them into the demagogue a trap set for them by fascist minded big capital but Thomas goes further than this he also undertakes to cleanse Landon's big financial supporters themselves of any suspicion of fascism that he does with DubLi fallacious argument firstly he presents the deadly reformist illusion that fascism is a movement of the middle class instead of its being basically the movement of finance capital with the middle class serving at stool and secondly he makes the ridiculous assertion at the Republican Party the party of monopoly capital instead of tending on towards fascism and further monopolization is actually trying to turn back the wheels of time return to the period of relatively free competition to the individualistic capitalism the 19th century he declares quote Landin or the forces and interests behind him which are stronger than landon are in the strict sense of the word reactionary they want to go back to an older capitalism and quote thus thomas would have the workers believe that finance capital presents no real menace to fascism but is actually in a barrier against it consequent upon this absurd analysis thomas room arrives at the conclusion that it makes no difference whether Roosevelt or Landon's elected but in reality a weight of his argument favors Landon and gives him direct support indeed Thomas finds a characteristically ridiculous reason for the election of land and when he says quote conceivably a Landon victory might put iron in Labor's blood end quote when Hearst to elect Landon through a Red Scare lying Li alleged that the Communists were supporting Roosevelt Thomas at once push at once rushed into print and seconded Hearst charge small wonder then that Hearst the chief American fascist should quote him approvingly in his great chain of papers and is significant that with the Republicans and the election campaign fiercely denouncing not only Browder but also such people as frankfurter Tugwell ex Wallace Lewis Hillman dibinsky and even Roosevelt himself as dangerous communists they exempted Norman Thomas entirely from their attack in Manila New York the Republican city authorities refused a public building for a meeting of the American Labor Party to which four hundred and fifty thousand New York trade unionists are affiliated on the ground that it was communist ik but they freely allowed those used to halt falling night to the Socialist Party with the Norman Thomas of speaker the 1936 national elections constitute the sharpest class divisions in American history on the one side there is the greatest aggregation of capital that has ever been backed by any American party and on the other hand an unprecedented concentration of masses although the opposing class line up in program or as yet by no means complete and clear-cut this election fight amounts to the first real battle between the forces making for fascism and those fighting against it and in this important situation the Socialist Party finds itself on the wrong side of the barricade for this it is already paying dearly in lesson prestige and influence and is being exposed still further to the Trotskyite poison within its tissues d a reactionary peace policy the new trend in the Socialist Party has not given that party a revolutionary peace policy true the Socialist Party makes a great show of radicalism in its attitude towards the war that now threatens to deluge the world anew with blood but in reality its policy in this vital matter is only its traditional reformist line with new sectarian trimmings it's wrong attitude stands in a way of the Socialist Party doing real anti-war service and it's developing mass leadership on this fundamental issue the membership of the Socialist Party are of course genuinely in favor of peace but their party's program is not a true peace policy and this wrong policy in the struggle against war is made all the worse by the growing influence of the Trotskyites in the Socialist Party briefly the war situation is this fascist Germany Japan in Italy in imperialist drives acquire markets natural resources and colonies and the smother their own internal crisis are developing a great block for a war offensive against various other countries as occasion dictates among them the capitalist democracies of France England and the United States Spain Czechoslovakia etc as well as against the Soviet Union it is a basically different situation from that prevailing on the eve of the 1914 world war at that time two mutually warlike and aggressive groups of imperialist powers confronted each other but now the capitalist democracies colonies and socialists USSR which all want peace definitely under defensive in the face of a militant fascist off should the fascist aggressors succeed in their war plans a mass slaughter and subjugation it would be a crushing blow to Liberty in every country their murderous attacks aims to extinguish all semblances of labour organization in civil rights in Europe and to reduce the living standards of the toiling masses to coolie levels it also menaces the political independence of many countries and its most central objective is to down the Soviet government in the greatest bloodbath in history the fascist offensive threatens the very existence of modern civilization and a success would be a major disaster to the human race in the face of this ultra dangerous situation the Soviet Union leads the struggle for the maintenance of peace it seeks to develop a combined offensive by the socialist and democratic forces of the world on the basis of a net program of collective security the stop the war which the fascists are preparing so deliberately and more and more the world's labour movement in the democratic countries are rallying to this program but this struggle has still greater implications than that of saving the world from a horrible slaughter it also dovetails with a fight of the revolutionary movement for socialism at the present time should the combined peace horses be able to prevent the war it means the advance of socialism thereby will be greatly facilitated in every country and if they have to defeat militarily the fascists in a war forced by the latter it will surely be a pre lose to proletarian revolutions in many countries the struggle to preserve democracy and to maintain peace is also for the toiling masses the fight for socialism but the so recently super revolutionary Thomas will have none of this he repeats all efforts to force the American government does take a stand with other democracies against the fascist aggressors and he likewise rejects this policy of European nations with a pseudo radical gesture he sweeps away the correct revolutionary strategy of the communes of national on the Soviet Union echoing the red imperialism slanders Akatsuki and the lies of Hitler that the USSR is the real source in the war danger Thomas denounces the Communists and other advocates of collective security against the fascist barbarians as quote Crusaders for a new holy war and quote he sneers at the a struggle led by the Soviet Union to halt the war making fascist as being merely preparations for a quote good war between capitalist nations end quote then he plumps for the American bourgeois infamous policy of neutrality in isolation the policy masked behind which American capitalism hides its aggressive aims Thomas policy of quote keeping out of it end quote is in plain English a shame full surrender before the attack of Hitler Mussolini and Co it is an abandonment of the embattled revolutionary labor movement of Europe Thomas decision not to actively assist the workers of Europe in case of fascist made war he justifies by the following puerile argument quote it should be remembered that there is no particular virtue in helping an innocent nation one of those attacked by the fascists quote if she'd be remembered that there is no particular virtue in attacking an innocent nation footnote one of those attacked by the fascists William foster by enabling the DuPont family to sell powder to them at a great profit end quote the readiness of Thomas to betray the Soviet Union in case of war is clearly shown in the following disgraceful statement quote is not Russia today strong enough to take care of herself without asking workers and other lands in her behalf except a terror and futility of one more good war and quote the American imperialist policy of isolation which Thomas accepts with a flourish of much radical phraseology cannot prevent war nor keep the United States out of war if and when it comes quote the way to keep America out of war is to keep war out of the world end quote correctly says the Communist Party and this can only be done by an organized struggle for peace on the part of the anti-war forces of the world against the mad dog fascist war makers the great present task of the revolutionary movement is to mobilize the workers and their allies to the struggle against war it is a task that the communist parties are everywhere loyally at fulfilling but the Socialist Party with its stay out of it American capitalists neutrality theories have abdicated mass leadership in the struggle for peace and is objectively lending support to the fascist war makers in Europe in this country II a sectarian Labor Party policy the matter of breaking the masses away from the two capitalist parties and building a grape farmer Labor Party is a fundamental necessity to combat the advance of reaction and fascism in this country and never was the sentiment so strong as now among the workers for such a party but hesitancy and delay in the matter are highly dangerous because the AF of L trade union bodies upon whom the principal responsibility Falls are launching such a party have failed to act we see huge masses of discontented workers small farmers etc falling under the control of the coffins limps Townsend's etc in their incipient fascist third party which is openly aiding land in reactionaries in the election campaign it is the great task of the farmer Labor Party the American form of the people's front to prevent the huge toiling masses who are sieving but discontent from being trapped by reactionary and fascist demagogues and they give these masses of powerful anti-fascist political weapon it is because of these vital considerations that the Communist Party is a constant and militant fighter for the establishment of the former Labour Party but here again on this basic issue the Socialist Party still follows a reformist policy highly detrimental to its development of mass leadership and effective struggle in previous pages I have pointed out that the Socialist Party with its preacher doctor lawyer leadership followed for many years a sectarian anti labor paul kearney policy that was disastrous to the Socialist Party's development as a mass proletarian party for a few years there was a tendency to correct this disastrous policy but now the Socialist Party with its outbreak of sectarian phrase making is falling again into the historical mistake of an anti Labor Party policy it is true that the Socialist Party does lip service to the question of the former labor policy but that is about as far as it goes in practice the Socialist Party follows an aligned inimical to the former Labour Party this fest itself by the Socialist Party systematic opposition to all steps leading towards the actual formation of the former Labour Party it hinders the former Labour Party for insisting upon an unduly radical program for it by putting forth pessimistic arguments that there is as yet no mass basis for such a party besides the Socialist Party takes little or no active part in the now necessary for eliminate ation and organization steps the building of local and state parties farmer Labor Party conferences etc and often actually resists these movements thus the Socialist Party declined even to attend the important Chicago May 30th conference called the minnesota farmer-labor party and assumed an attitude of sharpest hostility towards the American Labor Party of New York which is an important indication of the trend of the new committee or industrial organization towards a National Labor Party in highly significant of its sectarian attitude the Socialist Party in its most important 1936 election campaign document the party platform does even raise the question of the former Labor Party in a mission which puts forward the emaciated and half lifeless Socialist Party as the only political perspective organizationally speaking for the American working class sense allies the Socialist Party never at any time fully freed itself from the harmful illusion which it held for many years that the Labor Party was a rival party a competitor to the Socialist Party and now with a new way of sectarianism and the Socialist Party this long embedded wrong conception gains fresh ground this is clearly shown by the platform mission of the question of the former Labour Party is also evidenced by the fact that at the 1936 convention of the Socialist Party 64 delegates against 119 voted opposition in principle to the Labour Party the baneful and growing influence of the Trotskyites in the Socialist Party greatly increases this anti farmer Labor Party trend thus the Socialist Party raises a high barrier sectarianism that blocks its way to mass influence and leadership on the fundamentally important issue of the farmer-labor party f thomas defeatism to the foregoing instances of sectarian trends and openly opportunist hangover policies from the past have still remained in the mass work of the Socialist Party many others of similar character could be added the same narrow line is to be observed increasingly and the socialist parties work in the trade unions among the unemployed in the youth activities among sharecroppers etc and the general affective at all is during the past year so since the sectarian trends have become more pronounced the cut away the Socialist Party is already greatly weakened mass influence and reduced still further is badly shattered membership it is characteristic of Norman Thomas role in the Socialist Party that with his great show of radical phrase mongering he should find the way to distort into a sterile sectarianism the Socialist Party fillit Aryan memberships desire to make the party truly revolutionary in every important situation Thomas seems to have the unhappy Faculty of finding the ways in action and surrender he is a confirmed prophet of pessimism and defeatism but fortunately his non fight way is not the way of the masses for them the class struggle is not merely a matter of philosophical speculation their very lives and liberties are at stake and they will fight notwithstanding the surrender advice of Thomas many examples might be cited of Thomas non struggle policies thus for instance when Roosevelt promulgated his NRA Thomas promptly called upon the workers not to strike happily however they disregarded his counsel passive resilience upon Roosevelt and carried through successfully one of the greatest strike waves in American history again in his book as I see it Thomas was at great pains of the show in his defense of purely parliamentary tactics but on action by the workers has been rendered obsolete and impossible by the development of the airplane and other modern military weapons but the workers of Spain against whom the great bulk of trained army revolted are now giving a glorious negative to thomas surrender maganda Thomas abandonment of the European workers fight for peace is also a non struggle policy that the masses will reject and now in his new book after the New Deal what Norman Thomas not only sees fascism as inevitable to the United States following the next serious economic crisis but more or less Universal after the world war that is now proven but again the workers will disappoint his monumental pessimism of Thomas they will never accept his inevitability of fascism theories they will have a big word to say before fascism can possibly succeed in this country and what realist can doubt that the next world war instead of being followed by a spread of fascism will give birth to a new wave of proletarian revolutions that may well crack the capitalist system all over Europe Thomas knew sectarianism has its roots in this basic pessimism in his glaring lack of faith in the fighting ability of the working class hence allies this whole conception is an escape from the hard realities and severe tasks of a class struggle into the easy realm of glittering radical generalities but it is a path that the working class will never tread it will not fit itself in a Thomas narrow sectarian defeat ISM and crass opportunism on the contrary it will forge ahead along its a line of militant mass struggle and leave the Socialist Party if that party persists in its present policies sitting and sterile isolation




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