Perspectives for Socialist Revolution in Our Lifetime

welcome it's a hundred years ago this spring the Comintern was founded I was launched in the middle of the Russian Revolution and it was launched as the international that was going to bury capitalism and imperialism forever now a lot of people how many of you think 100 years is a long time really well by some measures it may be a long time but there are people alive today who were 15 or 16 years old when the Comintern was founded and these people could have been contacts of the communist parties around the world at that time when Lenin Trotsky were alive when the Bolsheviks were in power our comrade Ted grant who we call the unbroken thread of our tendency to that epoch was 5 years old when the Comintern was founded he was 27 years old when Trotsky was murdered in 1940 and that was just four years before comrade Alan woods was born who of course is still alive and well and if anybody here gets to go to the pan-american school in Mexico this December and I highly highly recommend it you will very likely get to meet Esteban Volkov who is Trotsky's grandson he's a close friend of the IMT and he is literally a living connection to Trotsky and that that whole era so this isn't ancient history that we're dealing with and we have very real connection to these times we know that for a variety of contingent reasons the promise of the Russian Revolution and the Comintern weren't realized as a question of the preparedness of the of the the parties the leadership at that time mistakes that were made especially in places like Germany and the revolution failed to spread Stalinism killed off that phase of the world revolution and eventually strangled and just discarded the Comintern itself but the first for Congress's of the Comintern are an incredible resource a treasure trove of theoretical and organizational lessons for us and that's what the IMT bases itself on and we're going to be discussing that throughout the weekend but even the Comintern had very humble beginnings at the first Congress there was only 51 delegates present we have nearly double that here today so this think about one half of this room or so is is what founded the Comintern and they had people present from from 22 countries we have people present from 22 different cities in areas of this country the the meeting took place in the middle of a terrible civil war the first order of business of that meeting was to commemorate the murders of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht who had just been killed a few weeks before and the meetings took place in a small cold narrow room in the Kremlin much smaller than this one only big enough for about a hundred people on flimsy chairs I don't think they had red tablecloths they certainly didn't have the kind of food that we're gonna have because they were in the middle of an imperialist encirclement and there often wasn't enough food for everybody and yet the people present at that meeting they understand they understood that it's the ideas that are foremost it's the program the perspectives the methods and above all proletarian internationalism that was going to lead to the success of the world socialist revolution and again the IMT is is based on this legacy and I would say that we here in the United States in particular have a particularly important responsibility and role in in in you know making this happen in the next historical period because the IMT is a genuine international not just organizationally in the sense that we have sections in other parts of the world but above all politically and that's why we always start these meetings with political perspectives and we start with world perspectives because events around the world they affect revolutions and revolutionaries in every other country on the planet we know that revolutions don't respect borders and we know that once the working class takes power in any country even a relatively small country that the whole dynamic the class balance of forces will be changed forever now we live in a world of incessant wars of crisis the revolution of counter-revolution of counter reforms of instability the world people all know these little phrases these words it's not deeper but what we really have to do is internalize these ideas and make sure that it violated the understanding of these processes its truly in our blood and our bones and the brains and that's what we have to work on this weekend that would be useful perspectives perspective discussion has to be more than just a collection of facts and figures although facts and figures are very important what we have to do is apply it the method of dialectical materialism analyzed those facts and figures to try to keep trains figure out the most likely course of events focusing on a few highlights and a few specific examples that can help illustrate those general processes it's not about just like randomly throwing you know any any members of facts and figures are trying to strike any possible thing that's happening in the world but by learning through the experience of other workers other use of our own comrades around the world both past and present we should be much better prepared for with these kinds of events eventually increase that's like we've seen in France where those kinds of things happen in our country now since the u.s. is such an important part of the whole process at least we're on the eve of another presidential election I'm necessarily gonna have to talk quite a lot of up United States in this we got well let's look a little bit at the situation in Europe starting with Britain and this promise know things there are changing very great I have to change my notes on the drive the house yesterday because of changes in place and you know the brexit kiosk oh it's really astonishing and it really reveals that Britain's greatness is long house you know we say jobs who said that the British room class used to measure plans for decades even centuries now they can't even find a few weeks or even a few days ahead they have no foresight whatsoever or just scrambling from one thing to another no real rhyme or reason and a big part of this is that the British royal class has lost control of two of acute political colours of their domination in that country of course for services for free those parties dominated what I believe a part of them but the British really has automated the entire time now the Tories and the certain parties have all been great introduced the watch they've been taken over by belittling grexit ears they were stuck with Carissimi because even everybody faded there especially her own party because the alternative was worse a blowout of the Tory party was not going to be pretty and will not be pretty and having Portman come to power on labor on the basis of a massive movement with you know a big aspirations or fundamental policy change that does not be very good as well but what we're seeing is it's civil war notoriously exploding before our very eyes Maine is not that sorry for Louisa Mae apartments suffer after families three times to pester grexit plan and of course capitalizing on all this case you have a return of night little fairness of you kid infamy who is now on a new right-wing party which is both the brexit party a nice and being locked in ahead in the polls from nothing in a very short period because they're cynically posing as an anti-establishment party although many of the leaders of this party are from the establishment cells and slightly it was very possible that they could be the winners of the upcoming new elections which is very ironic and appreciate that an anti even party rooting the winner of the elections but people are fed up and protest folks are going to be cast for this party but that doesn't mean that this is the real mentality this is the real estate of important possibilities working-class piece needed you know millions and millions of people promised may have seen that the police have stopped McDonald's from selling milkshakes there is rallies because because there was a major of having thrown on his head the kind of polarization ever seen in jolly old England which is very much absolutely the party the Forex Tony Blair and country they tried in vain turning the Labour Party into a kind of us about Democratic Party but it's now been funded by Portman supporters and it's almost certain is in from the power in the next period the Blair is trying to you know had things onto the past eight launches this particular change UK split up some cleric sorry it's up to a community pathetic starts and they're trying to fill the so-called center of politics when the polarization of society and a politics is completely evaporated and any semblance of a sender now in the story is when they split it's probably going to include some of those some of those people are going to try to go to the center that you will join up leg leg people the rest of the party is probably gonna go even further to the right trying to compete with the brexit party they may even fuse with the brexit party at a certain point and some commentators say that if the Tory party even survives which is pretty incredible state would you say that they will be unelectable produce a generation so obviously you know super fighting for socialism their lifetime this may be the last a conservative Tory government we ever get to see in Britain so it should in this context that the word of the Commons doing in Britain is really getting a big Network for example our campaign to reinstate Clause 4 of the British Labour Party Constitution where's Tony Blair took out and it calls for the nationalization Cuba is an economy it's really caught on major unions in the Communication Workers even a journey home with himself and Shadow Chancellor John McConnell have allowed themselves to be taken that pictures taken with common crop school fight for clause for three shirt before the sleepeth endorsing it and said that they would speak a different in favor of this Socialist Party and this shows you can offer that honor our patient but principal but often flexible approach towards building a cognate organization while also having this orientation to the traditional mass organizations of the working class is now positioning us to make not only studious English numerically but to become a real factor in British politics and thereby in world politics and of course what our Commons argue for is that the only way forward important labor this is about legal genuine socialist policies often experience a socialist revolution through Corbin but but you know he's gonna be under a lot of pressure not just the masses but also from the ruling class that try to hold things together but we have to explain that either in the EU or out of the U or whatever bourgeois formation they have there is no solution to the crisis of the working class and the suffering the misery the austerity that that we're that we're dealing with and I think well there's important differences between the u.s. situation in the British situation obviously number one the Labour Party is a working-class party it's got organic ties to the trade unions whereas the Democratic Party is a slave holders and a capitalist party it is not a Workers Party but nonetheless there are parallels in the way that the key political institutions of the ruling class are being pressured and pushed and stretched to the limit in places like Britain and also here in the United States now every country has its own history its own traditions its own parties but the same general process of polarization of testing the old leaders of testing the old organizations of splits of fusions and of eventual class clarification this is taking place worldwide and that this this is finally really coming to the surface in a very apparent way after literally decades of people saying the class struggle is over there is no working class and blah blah blah now if you look across the channel at France in France this movement took the form of the yellow vests and I'm sure comrades have been following this for the last six months or so France has one of the most revolutionary traditions in the world and any time the French workers start to move we should pay attention because because it can really set the tone for Europe and and for the world and we can learn a lot of lessons here now to summarize the main lines in France and this is essentially the same the same basic set up in every European country and and with this or that change in every country in the world the the main situation in France is that Macomb the the president of France he represents French capitalism now French capitalism is rotten and it's only alternative is to impose even more austerity on the working class now the French people they've had decades of austerity I mean they used to have one of the best qualities of life even back as recently as the 80s and and decades of austerities for for retired people for farmers for small shopkeepers for the workers and after 2008 this accelerated and the French people have had enough of austerity now the traditional workers organisations the parties the trade unions their leaders are completely rotten and they give no lead or they just outright betray the masses for years the labor leaders would call these days of action I think they had like over 30 days of action in France which were just like little demonstrations to let off steam they weren't actually trying to shut down the government they weren't actually trying to shut down production and eventually people wouldn't even start showing up to those kinds of thing I mean if you're a single mom with two kids and you have two jobs you you don't have time to just go out for a day of action and to miss work for something like that when it's not going to help you pay the rent that's not attractive to millions of ordinary people and when they did call strikes they would only get sort of the the the you know like the professional people that worked for the unions to come out on the picket lines it wouldn't try to mobilize general you know a general strike certainly or even the whole of the of the of the work force of a particular workplace and so in different sectors over the last few years the dockworkers the oil refinery workers the railway workers they had strikes but they ended up being isolated they weren't supported by solidarity strikes of other other workplaces and they ended up losing their struggles the other factor of course is that the masses in France can't just wait for the IMT to come along and build a massive revolutionary party that that's clear and knows what to do and and and can make this happen and so there's a vacuum there in in France and other countries and this is a finished recipe for for social conflagrations for confusion and and for frankly for chaos and into this vacuum came the yellow vests movement now these people you know kind of you know spontaneously emerged they sort of emerged out of the woodwork of French society millions of people who were alienated from politics alienated from the trade unions and yet they'd had enough they hadn't benefited and at all from any of the economic so-called economic recovery in the last period and that's why they went outside the channels of the trade unions and and and and and went sort of on the streets on their own with blockade because they didn't they weren't interested in the conservatism of the trade union leaders now the the sort of revolutionary along the the almost insurrectionary attitude a lot of these people like we're gonna like storming the Bastille almost like 1789 all over again it comes from the fact that they aren't burdened by bureaucracy they aren't burdened by defeats of the past they're not bound by the rules of how you're supposed to fight the class struggle according to the trade union leaders but this also means that there's a lot of lack of structure there's a lot of confusion there's a lot of chaos there's even fascist elements that have put on yellow vests and have gotten involved and are in our part of the chaos now these weekly they started out as weekly demonstrations and they've been going on now for six months but there's limits to how long this kind of a tactic can go until you start mobilizing in an organized way the heavy battalions are the workers and it's very clear I think that the steam is running out at least for this this stage of struggle and so but the problem is of course that although Macomb has survived so far nothing has changed no fundamental problems have been resolved and so you know I think we can see that there's a before and an after of the yellow vest movement the methods of struggle of the French working class have been transformed by this they're not satisfied with days of action anymore and and I think an a very important factor a feature in the last period is that you've had an increase in strikes now in France alongside the yellow vest movement and and and and some of them have been quite militant now the the ruling class of other parts of Europe had been very worried about this there were sort of many yellow vests type movements in places like Belgium but even Germany big old powerful Germany worried that this kind of thing or something like it could spread to Germany because after decades of relative prosperity in Germany things are grinding to a halt there and and and there's again a finished recipe for for big movements of the class struggle in in that country which is the most important country in Europe 80 million people right in the heart of Europe the most industrialized country and so on so the main problem with the capitalist governments everywhere is that their policies which they implement on behalf of the capitalist class as a whole clash with the needs of the masses who are sick of austerity and you see this in one place have to another Spain is another textbook example the recent elections really showed the deep polarization in that society as well as the revolutionary traditions and also the counter-revolutionary traditions in that country and of course in Spain you've got the added dynamic of the National question in in in the Basque Country but in particular in Catalonia in Italy as well I think comments should keep an eye on Italy it's one of the sick the sick man of Europe as they say and it's one of the weakest links of European capitalism and they also have really profound revolutionary traditions and you know again at any day some big movement could be sparked now moving elsewhere in the Mediterranean you know the the Arab revolution the North African revolution has kind of roared back to life in Algeria a place that really wasn't affected too much back in the first wave in 2011 and from and from there or or also as part of this process you're also seeing incredible events in places like in Sudan so in Algeria Abdelaziz Bouteflika who hadn't ruled for twenty years was overthrown by the masses you know we saw over and over again in 2011 that sort of more or less spontaneous revolutionary movements overthrew these corrupt and rotten dictators that had been there for four decades in many cases but again as we saw in places like Egypt or Tunisia or elsewhere due to the lack of a revolutionary party revolutionary leadership present in sufficient numbers you see elements of the military or of the old regime and of imperialism of course trying to fill that vacuum calm the masses down you know everybody go home ok we got rid of the dictator aaaa everybody go home but really trying to rule you know uh basically with the same regime they want to make it look like something's changed when really nothing fundamental has changed and of course the masses aren't stupid they can see that this is happening around them but at the same time if you don't have that revolutionary leadership in place in advance that can you know catalyze that and move it in the direction of the ultimate overthrow not just of an individual or of a regime but of the whole system then eventually through chaos through attrition they can eventually you know reestablish control and similarly in in sudan if comments you watch any videos of the really inspiring and credible movement in in sudan that over over through al Bashir as well as a second ruler even Alf who was put in power handpicked by him overthrown right away there also the army has stepped in to try to calm things down you know they're – they'll probably a prolonged chaotic period because there just isn't a Revolutionary Party in place to make it happen all the way if you look elsewhere in Africa if you look at South Africa for example the recent elections there reveal again incredible powder keg of revolutionary potential in South Africa you see the the decay and the decline and the crisis of the anc the the ruling party since the end of apartheid and you also see the the rise in the potential of a group called the economic freedom fighters who have a ton of potential and by the way some of the leaders of the economic freedom fighters they they were educated in Marxism by the Marxism FAQ that we have on our website and you know used to share I mean and some of these people who were just like high school kids or college kids checking out our website have now let you know they've turned into like parliamentary leaders and stuff like that leading you know that this force that there's a lot of confusion still but there's potential there in South Africa for really incredible events and I don't have time to go into detail but if as always a comrade been more conformed South Africa has wonderful articles about this stuff that you should be reading on Marxist calm coming back over to the western hemisphere in Brazil we have the bolster narrow regime and and and the the mass protests that have had have shaken his fundamentally weak you know government already and why is this government fundamentally weak although a lot of people in Brazil included where you know there's so much despair when you want to know fascism has come to power and and all this kind of stuff and we explained oh the working class is not defeated the youth are not defeated people are just pissed off and angry and it's a protest vote you know a lot of people are angry the petty bourgeoisie is all riled up but but it's fundamentally weak because Brazilian capitalism is fundamentally weak and brute repression can only get you so far for so long when you're the minority class and so after a period of initial of the Moroz little ization the youth have started to wake up again this within months incredible protest movement and the the difference from Brazil as say compared to South Africa or Algeria or Sudan is that we do have a relative a sizable group in Brazil a section of the IMT now they're not big enough to be a decisive factor yet but the conditions are there for them to really build out of this movement and and to really you know in the next few years turn into something that can start to have an impact on national politics and of course right next door to Brazil we have in Venezuela where the ongoing crisis between revolution and counter-revolution imperialist Medellin it continues to grind on and on and on and on and and yet we continually see that the masses surprisingly frankly and inspiring ly continue to tenaciously hold out and will not let the old ruling class return even though of course the Maduro government is completely raw and it's completely incapable of defending the revolution but that really shows the depths of of the of the of the roots of the revolution of the last 20 20 plus years and the fact that there's a such strong anti imperialist sentiment even among big chunks of the Venezuelan military so his comments can see there's so much happening over the world I've barely covered a couple a couple of countries it's impossible to do it all but there is one unifying factor in all of this instability and that is the crisis of the capitalist economy and there's this the huge disconnect between the objective potential that exists to meet everybody's needs which is basically already in place on a world scale and the profit system and the masses are starting to realize this they're starting to notice this and they're starting to do something about it so even if a lot of people around the world don't know exactly what they want they're pretty clear about what they do not want now Donald Trump he is the his the move and moving right along Donald Trump is a perfect personification of the rottenness of capitalism in this epoch of its terminal decline and and crisis and decay but his crude policies his crude mannerisms his crude everything it's not just due to like personal ascent Rissa T's or whatever it's ultimately a reflection of the rottenness the crudeness and the precarity of the system as a whole his America first policy thus Nash policy is really the only logical policy for us capitalism if it wants to continue being the premier world power and the Liberals of course lament that this is the case or they would rather not be so blunt about it but really in in in this period of crisis and of decline it's the only kind of policy that they can can really adopt now we've explained in many of our documents that globalization allowed the capitalist of the main capitalist powers imperialist powers above all to partially and temporarily overcome the limitations of the national borders and of the the national economies but everything that drove globalization for a whole period is now starting to pull things into reverse and based on falling exports in a number of important countries the Brookings Institute is now predicting a synchronized slowdown of the world economy which is which is a really you know has really big implications for the future and this is why the knives are out and all the capitalists are fighting each other to export unemployment and to export ultimately social unrest to their neighbors and to their rivals because they're desperate to at least ride out the world crisis themselves but the present ongoing crisis it's not a temporary crisis it's organic and it's it's its fault it's frankly an existential crisis of capitalism it simply can't recreate the the very specific conditions not allowed for the post-war boom which was a really an anomaly period of capitalism those 30 40 years or so give or take were an anomaly of capitalism this is more the norm of capitalism that you know what the 50s and 60s that's not the norm this is more than norm and they're gonna keep trying to throw the clock back further and further and of course the workers subjective consciousness of this reality is catching up very quickly so the capitalists don't have time on their side I think perhaps the clearest expression of this is the the sharpen intentions in the trade war going on between the US and China despite the the early photo ops and all the smiles and you know having dinner and whatever golfing with the Xi Jinping and stuff like that China is a strategic competitor of US capitalism and and has to be contained on all fronts you can diplomatic military Trump recently raised tariffs on about 200 billion dollars of Chinese imports he raised him from 10 percent to 25 percent and China three days later raised their tariffs on 60 billion dollars of American exports to China now the United States has more overall economic clout than China so Trump obviously thinks that he can weather the storm a little bit better he thinks that it won't be so bad that the Chinese will be forced to pay the tariff because or you know be bullied into into you know making other changes because they want access to US markets but as even like some of the Treasury officials you know Trump administration officials have acknowledged it's actually you at many US companies are being affected by this and it's US companies that are gonna have to pay these tariffs and it's US consumers that are they're gonna have to have these costs passed along to them and even before this latest round of tariffs or it's been having an effect a lot of farmers you know you might have seen Trump lately he's really trying to shore up support among farmers because a lot of them are like totally devastated by these economic policies and are starting to grumble now over a six-month period that ended in March exports from the United States to China dropped by 26 percent compared to a year earlier some of this was offset by increased exports to places like the European Union and Mexico but Mexico is hardly going to make up for a fort for China and the European Union has a lot of problems and is not a guaranteed market for very long either during the same period imports from China declined by 5 percent but China you know specifically targeted some of these tariffs to places like Michigan Wisconsin Ohio Texas Iowa North Carolina some of those those key sort of trump states in the last elections and soybean farmers in the united states they've seen exports dropped by 80% an 80% drop in soybean exports exports that's almost there's there's almost a billion bushels of soybeans sitting in warehouses right now because there's nowhere to export them to and there's no market to sell them on that's that's 60 billion pounds of soybeans this is a classic example of overproduction on a capitalist basis now Trump last year paid soybean and other farmers 12 billion dollars to sort of ease the pain of this he's talking about giving them 15 billion more dollars this year alone now according to the World Bank it would cost just seven billion dollars to eliminate undernutrition worldwide and yet he's got 15 billion dollars got twice that just to sort of get some political support from these people um as always there's plenty of money for that kind of thing but not for food for nutrition for healthcare for housing and just imagine I mean 60 billion pounds of soybeans that's like eight pounds per human on the planet and it's just sitting there unused I mean just to talk about the waste of this of this system and of course China it has a different kind of regime and they also feel that they can hold out maybe longer in this game of tariffs chicken because they also have very important things at stake I mean China is a regional imperialist power it has worldwide aspirations in it already has growing influence around the world but it mainly needs to shore up its its military and economic base in its own backyard whereas the United States is trying to do this around the whole planet China in the region at least has a lot of economic support places like Australia or Brazil or South Africa for example even which isn't in the region but because of all the the the raw materials that they've been sort of vacuuming up for the last couple decades you know there's a lot of money that went into those countries and a lot of there for some political influence it's also pumped billions of dollars into a hundred and fifty-two different countries and organizations for its so-called belt and road initiative its attempt as sort of la relaunch the Silk Road and it's not only places like Pakistan and Kazakhstan and Indonesia that he's put money but places like Italy Greece Luxembourg Russia and even Switzerland is getting Chinese money for for the belton Road initiative and the regime in China is desperate to keep the domestic market growing and they put tons of money into you know keeping that afloat but over the last ten years their debt levels have have doubled basically effectively and they now don't want to rely on so much depth because that is untenable with the world economies slowing down now the Chinese economy is also slowing down last year it grew at only six point six percent now if the United States grew at six point six percent that would be pretty much incredible that was the last time the u.s. saw that kind of growth was in 1966 during the build-up to the Vietnam War but six point six percent for China is is nothing compared to the fourteen point two percent it had in 2007 it's less than half of what it had just about a decade ago so there's there's a lot at stake and in some ways neither side can afford this trade war and yet at the same time neither side can afford not to to do it it's not but it's not just about profits and prestige but ultimately about the danger of social revolution and as we've said before there's a reason that the Chinese bureaucracy spends more on internal security than a national defense because the Chinese working-class is the largest in the world it has a militant history and we're already seen big movements of workers and enough students as well in solidarity with the workers in China the u.s. it's increased naval patrols in the East and South China Seas and China of course is trying to expand its influence territorially and militarily in the region and there's already proxy wars raging between the US and China in different parts of the world like Syria Yemen the there's tensions rising in the Horn of Africa places like baluchistan and stuff like that but I think that it's fair to say that for a variety of reasons including the presence of nuclear weapons but above all the class balance of forces the strength of the world working class that a serious military conflict is ruled out between China and the u.s. at least for the immediate future and that's why they have to turn to diplomacy and trade wars but these things can of course take on a life of their own at a certain stage if the u.s. feels that they're there their fall is going you know is going too fast and China's rise is coming too fast they might want to try to stop or slow down China's rise and that's kind of the basis for Trotsky's you know idea that there might be a war with between Britain and the United States in the 1930s but so we should never say never but at the same time we know we shouldn't we shouldn't be worried that every time you know a plane is intercepted or a boat is you know held for a while that there's gonna be a nuclear war and the pin the Pacific or something like that because the war with China would not be like a war with Iraq even if it's very limited in scope just a couple quick points on some other aspects of trumps foreign policy Trump's foreign policy team is now dominated by neoconservative Hawks people from the Bush Cheney Rumsfeld era and even earlier and the results of this can be seen with this you know rising bellicosity in relation to Iran and of course Venezuela but even a war with Iran would not be as easy as the war with Iraq was Iran has doubled the population it has doubled of GDP and is a much more advanced military and much larger and they would of course also have the backing of Russia which is a very interesting regional imperialist power and needs to be taken into account and as far as an invasion of Venezuela that would also not be so easy given again the deep anti imperialist feelings of the masses there then of course there's a situation in North Korea which a deal that Trump hasn't been able to make where Kim jong-un obviously he wants to keep his head while also you know keeping control over the transition of that country from a deformed workers state to to uh you know to true capitalism to full-on capitalism and so he's balancing between all the different regional powers between China Japan South Korea Russia and the United States and it seems that he may have outsmarted Trump at least for now but getting back to China just a little bit more it's the United States is also restricting direct foreign investment of Chinese companies into the United States especially in technology and artificial intelligence and that explains this this tension over Huawei this company Huawei which we've analyzed in the past and now they're even saying that Chinese made drones these toys that people fly around that they might be sending data back to the Chinese government and as it turns out 80% of drones sold in United States come from one company based in Shenzhen in China so I mean so you know the US ruling class is worried on a number of levels and there's some people that say that this could lead to some kind of a new Cold War or at least an acceleration of deagle mobilization and you might even have like two world blocks crystallizing a Chinese bloc that might have its own internet too they call it the splinter net and and an aus block dominated by US companies so we'll see we'll see what happens in the next period but this is definitely not not the the world that we grew up in in the last period as for the US economy it's not a matter of if but a matter of when there's going to be a next economic crisis I saw yesterday that the Dow Jones has fallen for five weeks in a row for the first time since 2011 is it possible this is the beginning you know I guess we'll see what happens on Monday or maybe tuesday rather they get an extra day off before things but you know we're not in the business of predicting exactly when this is going to happen but we know that the internal contradictions of the system will lead to another crisis and it's not that we want the crisis we don't want the suffering that people are going to have to go through because of this crisis but we know it's going to happen because last time the so-called Great Recession it was really really painful for a lot of people it lasted from the fourth quarter of 2007 to the second quarter of 2009 over eight million jobs were lost over a trillion dollars in household wealth were wiped out over 10 million Americans lost their homes and the bailouts that the government made the tarp bailouts they said at first was like 900 million dollars turns out is actually sixteen point eight trillion dollars which is more than the entire annual GDP of China which is pretty insane but of course superficially everything's been looking really good for for Trump we're now in the longest bull market in history the Dow Jones is up twenty thousand points or it was until recently the S&P 500 was up over three hundred percent that Nasdaq was up over five hundred percent unemployment is relatively low compared to the crisis corporate profits or they rose sixteen point two percent last year after a six point five percent gain in 2017 but but again nothing has been solved since 2008 and all they've done is lay the foundations for an even bigger crisis next time around for example if you look at at capacity utilization which measures how much industrial or productive capacity is used to produce commodities and this is an index that measures 71 different industries in manufacturing 16 and mining and 2 and utilities with a pretty broad measure of the backbone of the economy at the peak of the post-war boom in 1967 89 percent of capacity was being utilized now this shows you that even when the economy when the country the capitalism is running at top speed it still can't use you know full you know the full amount of the capacity that it has in December 2007 just before the the last crisis broke out it was at 81 percent so that means that 19 percent of productive capacity sat idle by June of the next year 2009 well at the bottom of the trough of the last crisis only 66 percent of capacity was being used that means that fully one-third wasn't being used that means like you know you know so much more you know and it's not because people didn't need jobs that people didn't have skills to operate that stuff that people don't need the things that can be produced with that it's because of course if they can't produce for a profit they're not going to produce anything now ten years into the recovery it's at just 78 percent it hasn't even reached the pre-crisis peak from 2007 and so that means that you know there's this all this waste taking place around us because of the system now GDP last year was two point nine percent u.s. GDP grew by two point nine percent but this was mainly driven by deficit spending and then in the year before that it was just 2.2 percent and that was driven by Trump's tax cuts all the money that all of a sudden flooded rich people in particular now tax cuts and the the interest rates of the Federal Reserve they've been kept very very low the tax cuts have pumped a lot of money into the economy and they've used this to stimulate the economy to prolong this particular boom in the hopes that this time it's different there will be no slump but we know that there will be a slump eventually and by using those tools now before the crisis they have even fewer tools to use when when the crisis does hit and of course the public is not going to be so keen on giving so many bailouts last time around now the the debt in the United States it's 20 two trillion dollars now it's double what it was in 2008 and that works out to about a hundred and eighty two thousand dollars per taxpayer so if you pay taxes you owe on top of your taxes $182,000 that's never going to be paid back and of course we all know the fact the figures about the the disparity between the rich and poor the the point one percent richest own as much as the bottom ninety percent of the population and three people hold as much wealth as about a hundred and sixty million people the poorest 160 million people three people three individuals own that if we were a tribute or a feudal society you could say that each of these people owns or controls about fifty three million people and that's equivalent to each of them basically owning or controlling the whole of South Korea for example just one individual controlling that much you know labour basically and American workers are working harder than ever but of course it's not it's not getting us anywhere productivity is actually up in a lot of sectors of the United States but hourly wages adjusted for inflation have barely changed wages rose by about three percent in 2018 but inflation was over two percent so you actually got less than one percent actual meaningful wage increase on average in in the United States but for some workers like factory workers average hourly pay actually has been falling in the last period at the same time you know you see that seventy eight percent of Americans live paycheck the paycheck fifty eight percent have less than $1,000 in savings for emergencies a fifth of Americans have zero money or negative net worth and of course adjusted for inflation hourly wages peaked 46 years ago now the fight for 15 lot of people talk about fighting for $15 an hour but even that isn't enough for affordable housing in this country for example you need to make nearly $18 an hour on average just to get a one-bedroom apartment and that doesn't count places that's the average places like New York or San Francisco I mean it's completely unaffordable and that's if you even get $15 I mean if you get $15 but the national minimum wage is $7.25 and a study by MIT found that a family of four with two adults working and two children would have to work for full-time minimum jobs that's a 76 hour workweek each just to have a living wage if you're a single mother with two children earning $7.25 an hour you would have to work 24 hours a day for six days a week that's a hundred and forty-four hours a week just to cover your basic necessities that's complete insanity and let's not forget that these are the good times this is before the crisis and people seem to intuit that the crisis might be coming you know only 20% of consumers think that things are going to be better six months from now than they are today and of course you have a president who is deeply unpopular the only rating that he has above 50% is on the economy and he's taken full credit for the economy he says this is all due to him so you can you can imagine he's going to get a lot of the blame as well as far as CEOs they've got a pretty good idea about the economy only 14% of them think things are going to be better in the next six months I and 42% think that they're gonna be worse so you know again we can't predict the crisis exactly but something seems to be brewing here we in the in the last issue of socialist revolution magazine we had some very interesting quotes and on the website from some billionaires who are very worried about what's going on with their system this guy Ray Dalio he's the 79th richest person in the world just kind of a you know a chump in the billionaire world but he's only sit with number 79 but he says I'm a capitalist and even I think capitalism is broken capitalism is at a juncture Americans could reform it together or we'll do it in conflict in other words you know they know there's there's problems coming they know their system can't go on like this but they can't do anything about it because the only thing you can do to end the contradictions of capitalism is to get rid of capitalism and that's the one thing the one thing that these people are not going to be able to do now the next crisis the next crass it's not necessarily gonna make our work easier we were approved a hundred percent right in 2008 in terms of Marxist economics but that didn't automatically do the for us I didn't build for us you know our friends and families will be affected will be affected the organization's finances will be effective and it's going to have a contradictory effect on class consciousness some workers may be more combative because they literally have nothing to lose but others will be so scared at losing what little they have left that they might not be so willing to strike but there's no doubt that it's going to accelerate this development of class consciousness in this country and we can be sure that really really awful austerity is gonna be on the measure of the day no let's see I think very important we've seen even before the crisis though that you have a rise in labor struggles I think comrades have been very excited over the last year or so to see what's been going on we've predicted a revival of labor for many years and it seems to be materializing we often explain that sometimes strikes increase when the economy starts to stabilize and the workers want to get a bit of a share of what of all the wealth and of course the economy isn't that stable but the workers it's been 10 years since the last crisis and they want what's theirs now we've seen a big decline in strikes and union membership over the last 40 years the percentage of union members fell again last year although the overall numbers were about the same because of population growth but sorry something caught in my throat um a couple years ago we said that strike levels were so low that there's nowhere to go but up and we saw in 2012 the Chicago Teachers give us an idea of what this might look like but it really takes years to organize the the kind of infrastructure that a union needs for for a strike to come out and so there wasn't a whole lot going on since 2012 but last January we had 35,000 school teachers and support staff teachers come out on strike in West Virginia and they shut down the whole state basically they were protesting a very small 1% pay wage pay raise they ended up winning a 5% raise and a temporary freeze and the healthcare cuts that we're going to be imposed on them but they shut down the every single County every single school basically in that state and that's a red state remember a so-called Trump state you know because of the struggle and this is inspired workers in other places and teachers in six other states soon followed now in 2018 after all these record lows that we've gone through for the last period the number of workers that were involved in strikes and lockouts was the highest it's been since 1986 now how many of you were not alive in 1986 okay so it's been a while since we went since you've seen something like this so we we shouldn't take it for granted if you're just entering political activity like Oh workers are always going on strike not necessarily it's been a while but but you know but even that is quite low there were 20 strikes and lockouts last year but if you look at the figures in the 1980s there was an average of 69 per year in in the 1970s 269 strikes per year and we had 20 so that's much better than seven which is what it was a year before but it's really only the beginning of the beginning now ninety percent of the teachers that runs of the people that were on strike last year we're you know in education or health care workers in particular and there was four hundred and eighty five thousand workers less than half a million that went out on strike but look at the inspiration that people got from just less than five hundred thousand workers there are a hundred and thirty million workers in this country and that doesn't count their families just actual people that worked 130 million so the ones that were on strike last year represent 0.3% 0.3% of the workforce so there's a lot of room to expand in this country and there was a chain reaction from West Virginia to Oklahoma and Arizona and California and and this is already starting to spill over into the private sector because for workers private public sector you know most workers don't don't really know the difference they just know they need better wages conditions protections etc so in December of last year 8,000 housekeepers bartenders and other service workers walked off the job at two dozen hotels everywhere from Detroit to Maui and it's the it was the biggest hotel workers strike in US history and it led also to a victory they got wage increases and they also got contracts that would force Marriott hotels to include GPS enabled panic buttons in case housekeepers feel unsafe when they're in a room with the client and the they also the company had to agree to ban guests who have a history of sexually harassing workers so these are very interesting demands to be putting into union contracts just recently in New England 31,000 workers walked out of stop and shop grocery stores 241 stores in Rhode Island Connecticut and Massachusetts they were also gonna have their wages cut their healthcare cut etc and they had enormous community solidarity you know a lot of people they would refuse to cross the picket line people were bringing the strikers meals and in the end they they they won a victory as well an Oregon Teachers recently walked out of 600 schools not for wages or benefits but for smaller classroom sizes more nurses more librarians more art music and physical education programs more school supplies 94% of teachers have to spend out-of-pocket for school supplies for their kids I mean so-so I mean these are social demands that are now starting to creep into these economic struggles of the working class it's not just greedy teachers who want to make more money and and of course Commons have seen recently the disgusting news about the school lunches kids that are being shamed and they're not having you know because they can't afford what may be their only secure meal of the day and I think you know people across the board are starting to get fed up so it's not just the strike numbers but it's the attitudes of people towards unions it's the attitude of people towards being part of the working class this awareness that's rising and public opinion of unions is now at the highest it's ever been in 15 years and this of course you know the unions aren't doing anything to earn that or to deserve that the union leader of the union leadership at least they're not doing that and and so what we're seeing in these struggles that have been erupting is that there's there's a militant minority of class struggle activists some of them who even consider themselves socialists who are willing to fight not just the bosses but also their own union leadership if need be to take the workers out on strike and we're seeing that that's that's that's that's working and so this is the yellow vests movement spread across France you can have this kind of thing start to spread in the next period you don't yet have a militant class struggle wing of the labor movement arising as such but you can start to see the outlines of one in the next period and of course all of this is being reflected in the afl-cio which is the main labor Federation in the United States it represents 12.5 million unionized workers and for the last you know as long as one can remember they've been cowardly they've been classical aberration Asst they've been you know basically working with Trump instead of working to overthrow Trump and the potential power of these unions and of this Federation just just the afl-cio alone leave aside the the the unions that make it up afl-cio has assets of 67 million dollars in annual revenues of a hundred and eighty million dollars that's more than some fortune 500 companies I'm just imagine what they could do in terms of on-the-ground campaigns of media you know instead of our little paper imagine that the sort of Pro working class Pro class struggle you know magazines television programs YouTube stations whatever that they could that they could have but of course the core power of this union is its ability to mobilize the working class and strikes and solidarity strikes and general strikes but that's the very last thing that the current leadership wants but we always say you can't judge the immediate future from the immediate past we obviously we have to look at where things are coming from but that's not the only gauge for where things are gonna go and we're among the only ones whether left or right who said the unions are not dead yet people were writing them off they were saying they're they're dead even the union leaders themselves were accepting oh this is all over which is just roll over and wait till we retire and too bad if the right you know if everyone else doesn't have a union but we know that as long as capitalism exists the workers are going to have to band together collectively to defend their economic interests and that the frontline of that defense is in unions so big changes are taking place your comments may have seen there's this video that was tweeted by the official afl-cio account about how workers need to seize the means of production and you had a roofing a roofer worker who was you know exclaims to be a Marxist who gave him not terribly bad overview of classes and he attacked the idea of the middle class and stuff like that and and you know the idea that we're all middle class that's been one of the pillars of the labor movement for the last period now just because the interns at the afl-cio went a little wild one week doesn't mean that Richard Trump is gonna call for nationalization in Fortune 500 or an insurrection or anything like that but it is symptomatic and it shows that there's pressure growing in the Union and Trump couple who's been the president for ten years now he's a very wily character he's from the Pittsburgh area so he should keep keep an eye keep a hand on these people he's very I mean this guy is very conniving and and it shouldn't surprise if if he shifts a little bit to the left to try to confuse people and and and show that you know he's got some some class struggle credentials which he does she actually was involved in some important mining strikes back in the 1970s but very interesting is that there's a lot of anger against trumka and a lot of people that want to get rid of him his own staffers rank-and-file because he hasn't organized they call him a failed leader the labor movement has been in decline during his entire regime even though he said that he would turn things around from the days of Sweeney John Sweeney and other people that came before him and the afl-cio is holding elections in 2021 and probably the main candidate is a woman named Sarah Nelson comments may have heard of her she's the International president of the Association of flight attendants CWA and by the way our magazine is unionized by the CWA so we got a little connection there and she recently emerged as a really militant gutsy leader of a very strategic sector of the airline workers during the the shutdown in January over the border role and she said we need a general strike to stop this stupid shutdown basically and very quickly Trump ordered the the workers back to work and as she put it she says only direct action or the threat of it will move the boss and that has to be the the basic principle of the labor movement she's a fresh face she's got a totally different attitude and could definitely give Trumka a run for his money she also has a solid record of fighting against sexual harassment in the airline industry which is which is rampant and if you compare that to the sort of Trump because good ol boys network you can see that there's gonna be a lot of appeal but he's going to do everything he can to get to stay in power now we shouldn't have any illusions in anybody including Sarah Nelson but if she wear it to beat Trump it would change a lot of things and it could unleash all kinds of pent-up forces which could get out of control of the labor leaders and Trump himself if he's forced the shift a bit to the left could unleash things so we'll have to see what happens there and and and you know this the idea that we're always putting forward the need for a mass workers party for a mass labor party for a mass socialist party based on the unions you know the the the that need is gonna come more and more to the fore and of course that brings us to the 2020 elections and as we've said what we're witnessing is the unfolding of the crisis of the regime of the most powerful capitalist country on the planet all the key institutions of capitalism are in crisis the presidency Congress the Supreme Court and even the Constitution is is under question they're talking about constitutional crises almost every week there's all kinds of fault lines in that Constitution which is a patchwork of things that was that's been stretched to accommodate 232 years of capitalist development through very different conditions and let's be clear a constitutional crisis a serious one would be calling into question the piece of paper that allows for the the rule of this country so I mean this is not something that that happens that often and the manifesto Marx says that all that is solid melts into air and that includes the United States that includes US imperialism it includes its state apparatus it includes its economy and it includes the grip of the ruling class on the minds of the masses and so this this crisis of the two parties is really a big part of this of this process now as of a couple days ago I don't know it could have changed by now but there's 23 candidates for the Democratic Party Biden is obviously the the ruling classes choice there's all these articles saying that he's running away with it and he's already he's got this in the bag and blah blah blah but a lot can happen between now and November 2020 as we saw in 2016 and we've seen though that despite his capitulation in 2016 Sanders remains enormous ly popular I think maybe a lot of the more radical people that had some illusions him at that time have have shifted away from that but there's still millions of people who would like him to be the Democratic Party candidate not just to be Trump but also because they think he could bring some fundamental improvement to their lives he's raised more money than anybody from more people than anybody although now that that might change with with Biden because the money is gonna come in from the ruling class he's a safe pair of hands Joe Biden he was the vice president under Obama which is seem like a kind of golden age even though it's just you know three years ago now that we have Trump and a lot of a lot of Americans who are pragmatic including Sanders himself will likely go along with Biden if they think that that's what's going to be Trump although the Bourjois also may be putting a little bit of a bet on Elizabeth Warren or Kamala Harris or our booty ditch or whatever as backups to to you know to stave off Sanders but but because the problem with Sanders didn't so much what he says he'll do he was loyal in 2016 he'll be loyal as a dog this time he'll be super loyal I mean I think there's no question about it but it's the people behind him that that they're worried about the people that got riled up in 2016 they don't want that to happen because if you were to come to power on the basis of events if there's a crisis of the economy crashes in the next period and it will at some point he could be forced to go further to the left than he intends and that could unleash all these forces so you know we you know we're still over you know what your and a half away so we're not trying to predict what's gonna happen next year we'll have us perspectives discussion in a years who will be able to have a little clearer idea of what's going to be happening but but we what we do know is that there's millions of people who are already done with the two-party system there's hundreds of thousands of people tens of thousands of people that are open to socialism and even to revolutionary socialism and there's a lot of people that are in favor of a mass party and eventually that's a third party as we call it a third party that can become the first party I don't have time to go into all the numbers but here's one only one in ten adults one in ten adults agree that the two-party system works fairly well I mean that you know I mean a majority of Democrats want a new party ie a majority of the people that will probably vote for a Democrat to beat Trump would rather vote for something else and a lot of Republicans are probably in the same boat so so you know it's very unlikely that a new force is going to arise in the next period that's gonna beat the two parties in 2020 it's not totally ruled out but but that's unlikely it's likely that a lot of people are gonna vote for the Democrats but we also can't rule out a trump victory you know never say never history knows all kinds of strange and surprising transformations the Democrats are experts at you know losing when they're supposed to win and you know if the crisis comes they might not want to take that that they might want to let him handle the crisis another four years and and destroy the Republican Party because you know if he does lose the civil war and the Republican Party is it's only been held together very you know fragile II by the glue of the popularity of Trump and once he's out of office whether it's in a year or two or or in six or whenever it is you'll see big big problems in the Republicans now we're all aware I think of the big pressures that are going to be honest to bend to opportunism to bend to lesser evil ISM and we know I think all of us were clear what the Democratic Party represents why we don't support it why we can't support it in any way shape or storm we weathered a lot of pressure in 2016 a lot of other groups didn't a lot of the crises that we've seen in groups like the CWI or the iso that that comes down to the fact that they they bent to that pressure and they abandon the class line and now the CWI is openly supporting Sanders as a Democrat supporting a bourgeois party of austerity and imperialism etc it's really incredible but we should also beware of the danger of sectarianism with so many people you know moving towards reformism which is the natural first stage of political awareness you try to reform what exists instead of trying to chuck it all out there's some people they're gonna bend the stick as we've seen in the opposite direction in ultra-left direction and there's a reason why we've got this discussion going on about Marxism and ultra-left ISM and sectarianism and all everybody should be sure to read and discuss that bulletin in the next period cuz it's a real fine line sometimes it's real art that requires a lot of nuance a lot of tact to connect with people on common points of agreement without ourselves crossing that principled class line maintaining the need for class independence and so on as opposed to simply denouncing people as idiots for having illusions in and you know in bourgeois parties or whatever or even giving the impression that oh we're holier than now I'm holier than now I know more than you you'll learn when you grow up that the Democrat you know I mean it's easy to get a little a little smarmy even about it so we should be careful because even small ways ultra-left ism can turn people can turn people off you know as Mark said bold in matter and mild in manner is is the best way to win people but of course we have to remember that the big story of the last few years is the rise of interest and socialism and more and more people have a more and more radical definition of what socialism means but most people only became socialists in the last few months over the last couple years you know like a lot of our own comrades I mean how many comrades how many comments here where Marxist revolutionary socialists when Trump was elected in 2016 how many were how many weren't rather when Trump was elected you know a good third of our membership has had to go through that experience go through that process and that's completely normal and natural and keep that in mind that that's where a lot of these other people are coming from but people can learn as we've learned they can learn from experience they can learn from studying and and that that's our task in the next period um there's a danger of course that the reformists in Congress and the people that call themselves socialists aoc and people or Jacobin that they can give a bad leave a bad taste in people's mouth about what socialism is you know we always say that betrayal is inherent in reform ISM but so is failure you know and and that's not very exciting and that these people are failing all the time and say no we're socialists and we can't get anything done that can have an effect which is why we need to have a sense of urgency when it comes to getting out there and differentiating ourselves patiently as revolutionary socialists and winning all these new socialists to a revolutionary vision of what that means you know around the world everywhere we look it's the same basic process that's taking place this transformation of consciousness and and over time quantitative accumulations turn into qualitative changes in consciousness but we also understand that the revolutionary party in the form of quality can also become mass quantity at a certain stage and it's a very complicated world we're building and I mean it's very chaotic what's going on in Britain but frankly it's it's the lines are pretty clear you know the day-to-day changes are you know it's hard to predict exactly what's going on being at the labour party you got the Tory party you know obviously brexit throws a wrench into things and stuff but here it's really even Messier and more complicated so you really have to keep our our magnetic north of Marxist theory and you know and we got also keep ourselves optimistic and revolutionary you know have our revolutionary optimism and up and high this this system is trying to drag us down this system is trying to make it impossible I mean not consciously it's not like a you're conscious you know Borg that's trying to do this but the system the dynamics of it tried to drag us into situations where we can't do revolutionary work effectively it's so we have the opioid crisis methamphetamines the anti-anxiety drug crisis we have rising depression and alienation and anxiety suicide birth rates are falling in this country because people don't want to bring kids into this world or they just simply can't afford it it's I found this incredible 31% of Americans think another civil war is likely in the next period and I don't think they have in mind a revolutionary liberation of the working-class kind of a civil war but as sort of a chaos apocalypse kind of a thing I mean people are worried about the future and we have to inject you know you know inject our revolutionary optimism and ideas into these movements for decades individuals have been trying to find a solution to their problems they're slowly coming to a conclusion that only collective solutions are going to get them out of this and we don't know where the next movements going to come is it going to be a crashing the economy is it going to be a war is it going to be a weather disaster the elections another mass shooting the immigration crisis or whatever or international events you know as the Arab Spring inspired things in Wisconsin for example but but at some point something bigger all these different movements are going to come together and we're going to start coalescing into something with a more clear class class understanding of the world the question of climate change is high on young people's minds in particular and it's catalyzing a questioning of the system as a whole there's more carbon dioxide in this in the in the world now than there has been since homo sapiens emerged on the planet I mean so we're talking about an existential crisis for our species and of course the attack on abortion rights which has been ramped up dramatically in the last couple weeks is could very quickly the defense of that could very quickly move beyond basic democratic rights to a question of the system as a whole and young people are far from apathetic and look at all the comrades we have here today but most of them just aren't inspired they aren't inspired by what they see we have the most inspired and inspiring words is any words we have the most inspiring ideas in the world and we have to bring these ideas to young people and particularly we have to win them to our organization and we have to have a sense of urgency the ruling class doesn't have a lot of time but neither do we and so while we connect with movements as they arise we have to always remember we're Bolshevik revolutionaries working within those movements we are not activists who happen to on the side have a Marxist reading group we have to differentiate ourselves through our ideas through our working-class methods through our working-class orientation not merely by being the most morally outraged people in the room you know that that you know we are outraged by capitalism but we take a scientific methodical approach to understanding it to taking it apart and we understand that though it's going to take a lot of work in a lot of years it can be done and that's what gives us our confidence so comrades we're still assembling the first core of cadre we're still a relatively small group we're still mainly in a propaganda phase in the sense that we're we're educating people and lots of ideas in theory and history and things like that people need a lot of ideas they need a lot of explanation we have to explain the Soviet Union we have to explain all kinds of stuff for us to win them people need more explanation than ever I think young people they're more critical than ever they're more cynical in many ways than ever and we are you know we're the only ones that can offer the clarity that can that can break that cynicism which I think probably how many of you were kind of cynical before you discovered revolutionary Marxism I mean I mean pretty much we got a couple hand waves one person who wasn't was always been a revolutionary from birth so so you know yet we just got to keep that in mind you know it's not always easy to win people and we'll talk later this afternoon about how we build the organization but every little step of that process matters and agitation or slogans that we come up with sometimes they are important they have a place in our work but most people aren't can be won by just one issue the paper or one agitation or slogan we have to combine all of that but we also can't get used to being a relatively small group to being in a relatively propagandistic phase as conditions in consciousness change we're gonna have to be able to intervene energetically flexibly and and summarize big ideas into a few key slogans that can mobilize people not just in action on the streets and in the workplace and so on but also into joining our organization how many of you saw the Game of Thrones finale ok the lucky other majority of you don't know what I'm saying but but I mean from The Game of Thrones finale to this book sapiens by you've all her re if you've heard of this book the Bourjois they're really pushing this idea that the Liberals in their apologists they're really pushing the idea that ideas and myths and stories such as religion the idea of capitalism the idea of politics that these these are the most powerful forces that shape human thinking now this is obviously a blatantly idealist approach to history and although ideas are a powerful force in history the working class is more worried about jobs and healthcare and housing and debt not shared narratives and myths which is what what allegedly makes the worlds go round and shared narratives and myths are not going to stop the revolution from happening but what will stop the revolution from being successful is if the working class doesn't have the leadership it needs now Trump declared that a United States will never be a socialist country Nancy Pelosi was not in smuggling and everyone is clapping about that and as comrades said in in on social media we accept the challenge you know the IMT accepts the challenge we're fighting for socialism in our lifetime because humanity frankly can't afford anything less Thank You comrades [Applause]

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