History of socialism | Wikipedia audio article

The history of socialism has its origins in
the 1789 French Revolution and the changes which it wrought, although it has precedents
in earlier movements and ideas. The Communist Manifesto was written by Karl
Marx & Friedrich Engels in 1848 just before the Revolutions of 1848 swept Europe, expressing
what they termed “scientific socialism”. In the last third of the 19th century, social
democratic parties arose in Europe, drawing mainly from Marxism. The Australian Labor Party was the world’s
first elected socialist party when it formed government in the Colony of Queensland for
a week in 1899.In the first half of the 20th century, the Soviet Union and the communist
parties of the Third International around the world mainly came to represent socialism
in terms of the Soviet model of economic development and the creation of centrally planned economies
directed by a state that owns all the means of production, although other trends condemned
what they saw as the lack of democracy. In the United Kingdom, Herbert Morrison said
that “socialism is what the Labour government does” whereas Aneurin Bevan argued that socialism
requires that the “main streams of economic activity are brought under public direction”,
with an economic plan and workers’ democracy. Some argued that capitalism had been abolished. Socialist governments established the mixed
economy with partial nationalisations and social welfare. By 1968, the prolonged Vietnam War (1959–1975)
gave rise to the New Left, socialists who tended to be critical of the Soviet Union
and social democracy. Anarcho-syndicalists and some elements of
the New Left and others favored decentralized collective ownership in the form of cooperatives
or workers’ councils. At the turn of the 21st century in Latin America,
Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez championed what he termed socialism of the 21st century,
which included a policy of nationalisation of national assets such as oil, anti-imperialism
and termed himself a Trotskyist supporting permanent revolution.==Origins of socialism==
Mazdak (died c. 524 or 528 CE) preached and instituted a religion-based socialist or proto-socialist
system in the Zoroastrian context of Sassanian Persia.In Britain, Thomas Paine proposed a
detailed plan to tax property owners to pay for the needs of the poor in Agrarian Justice
(1797), while Charles Hall wrote The Effects of Civilization on the People in European
States (1805), denouncing capitalism’s effects on the poor of his time. The English word “socialist” in its modern
sense dates from at least 1822.Chartism, which flourished from 1838 to 1858, “formed the
first organized labour movement in Europe, gathering significant numbers around the People’s
Charter of 1838, which demanded the extension of suffrage to all male adults. Prominent leaders in the movement also called
for a more equitable distribution of income and better living conditions for the working
classes. The very first trade unions and consumers’
cooperative societies also emerged in the hinterland of the Chartist movement, as a
way of bolstering the fight for these demands”.By 1842, socialism “had become the topic of a
major academic analysis” by a German scholar, Lorenz von Stein, in his Socialism and Social
Movement. According to an 1888 volume of A New English
Dictionary on Historical Principles, the word socialism first appeared on 13 February 1832
in Le Globe, a liberal French newspaper of Pierre Leroux. Leroux returned to the theme of “socialism”
in 1834 and Louis Reybaud (1799–1879) published Études sur les réformateurs contemporains
ou socialistes modernes in 1842 in France. In England, Robert Owen (1771–1858) was
also using the term socialism independently around the same time. Owen is considered the father of the cooperative
movement.The first modern socialists were early 19th-century Western European social
critics. In this period socialism emerged from a diverse
array of doctrines and social experiments associated primarily with British and French
thinkers—especially Robert Owen, Charles Fourier (1772–1837), Pierre-Joseph Proudhon
(1809-1865), Louis Blanc (1811–1882) and Saint-Simon (1760–1825). Early-19th-century followers of the utopian
theories of such thinkers as Robert Owen, Claude Henri de Saint-Simon and Charles Fourier
used the term “associationism” to describe their beliefs. These social critics criticized the excesses
of poverty and inequality of the Industrial Revolution, and advocated reforms such as
the egalitarian distribution of wealth and the transformation of society into small communities
in which private property was to be abolished. Outlining principles for the reorganization
of society along collectivist lines, Saint-Simon and Owen sought to build socialism on the
foundations of planned, utopian communities. According to Sheldon Richman, “[i]n the 19th
and early 20th centuries, ‘socialism’ did not exclusively mean collective or government
ownership of the means or production but was an umbrella term for anyone who believed labor
was cheated out of its natural product under historical capitalism”,According to some accounts,
the use of the words “socialism” or “communism” related to the perceived attitude toward religion
in a given culture. Continental Europeans considered “communism”
more atheistic than “socialism”. In England, “communism” sounded too close
to communion – with Catholic overtones; hence atheists preferred to call themselves
socialists. By 1847, according to Frederick Engels “Socialism”
was “respectable” on the continent of Europe while “Communism” was the opposite as the
Owenites in England and the Fourierists in France were considered Socialists, while working-class
movements which “proclaimed the necessity of total social change” termed themselves
“Communists”. This latter trend was “powerful enough” to
produce the communism of Étienne Cabet in France and of Wilhelm Weitling in Germany. In the post-revolutionary period right after
the French Revolution of 1789, activists and theorists like François-Noël Babeuf, Filippo
Buonarroti and Auguste Blanqui influenced the early French labour and socialist movements.Josiah
Warren is widely regarded as the first American anarchist and the four-page weekly paper he
edited during 1833, The Peaceful Revolutionist, was the first anarchist periodical published. Anarchist Peter Sabatini reports that in the
United States of early to mid-19th century, “there appeared an array of communal and ‘utopian’
counterculture groups (including the so-called free love movement). William Godwin’s anarchism exerted an ideological
influence on some of this, but more so the socialism of Robert Owen and Charles Fourier. After success of his British venture, Owen
himself established a cooperative community within the United States at New Harmony, Indiana
during 1825. One member of this commune was Josiah Warren
(1798–1874), considered to be the first individualist anarchist”.For American anarchist
historian Eunice Minette Schuster, “[i]t is apparent […] that Proudhonian Anarchism
was to be found in the United States at least as early as 1848 and that it was not conscious
of its affinity to the Individualist Anarchism of Josiah Warren and Stephen Pearl Andrews
… William B. Greene presented this Proudhonian Mutualism in its purest and most systematic
form”. There were also currents inspired by dissident
Christianity of Christian socialism “often in Britain and then usually coming out of
left liberal politics and a romantic anti-industrialism”, which produced theorists such as Edward Bellamy
(1850–1898), Frederick Denison Maurice and Charles Kingsley.===Henri de Saint-Simon===
Henri de Saint-Simon (1760–1825), who is called the founder of French socialism, argued
that a brotherhood of man must accompany the scientific organization of industry and society. He proposed: That the state carry out production and distribution
That allowing everyone to have equal opportunity to develop their talents would lead to social
harmony That the traditional state could be virtually
eliminated, or transformed “Rule over men would be replaced by the administration
of things”===Charles Fourier===
François Marie Charles Fourier (1772–1837) was a French utopian socialist and philosopher. Modern scholars credit Fourier with having
originated the word féminisme in 1837. As early as 1808, he had argued in the Theory
of the Four Movements that the extension of the liberty of women was the general principle
of all social progress, though he disdained any attachment to a discourse of “equal rights”. Fourier inspired the founding of the communist
community called La Reunion near present-day Dallas, Texas as well as several other communities
within the United States, such as the North American Phalanx in New Jersey and Community
Place and five others in New York State. Fourierism manifested itself “in the middle
of the 19th century (where) literally hundreds of communes (phalansteries) were founded on
fourierist principles in France, N. America, Mexico, S. America, Algeria, Yugoslavia, etc”.===Robert Owen===Robert Owen (1771–1858) advocated the transformation
of society into small, local collectives without such elaborate systems of social organization. Owen managed mills for many years. He transformed life in the village of New
Lanark with ideas and opportunities which were at least a hundred years ahead of their
time. Child labor and corporal punishment were abolished,
and villagers were provided with decent homes, schools and evening classes, free health-care,
and affordable food.The UK government’s Factory Act of 1833 attempted to reduce the hours
adults and children worked in the textile industry. A fifteen-hour working day was to start at
5.30 a.m. and to cease at 8.30 p.m. Children of nine to thirteen years could work no more
than 9 hours, and workers of a younger age were prohibited. There were, however, only four factory inspectors,
and factory owners flouted this law. In the same year Owen stated: Leaving England for the United States, Robert
Owen and his sons began an experiment with a socialist community in New Harmony, Indiana
in 1825. Advertisements announced the experiment for
the cooperative colony, bringing various people to attempt an 8-hour work-day of which Owen
was a proponent. The town banned money and other commodities
for trade, using “labour tickets” denominated in the number of hours worked.Owen’s son,
Robert Dale Owen, would say of the failed socialism experiment that the people at New
Harmony were “a heterogeneous collection of radicals, enthusiastic devotees to principle,
honest latitudinarians, and lazy theorists, with a sprinkling of unprincipled sharpers
thrown in”. The larger community lasted only until 1827,
at which time smaller communities were formed, which led to further subdivision, until individualism
replaced socialism in 1828. New Harmony dissolved in 1829 due to constant
quarrels as parcels of land and property were sold and returned to private use.Individualist
anarchist Josiah Warren, who was one of the original participants in the New Harmony Society,
saw the community as doomed to failure due to a lack of individual sovereignty and private
property. He wrote of the community: In a Paper Dedicated to the Governments of
Great Britain, Austria, Russia, France, Prussia and the United States of America written in
1841, Owen wrote: “The lowest stage of humanity is experienced when the individual must labor
for a small pittance of wages from others”.===Pierre-Joseph Proudhon===
Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809–1865) pronounced that “property is theft” and that socialism
was “every aspiration towards the amelioration of society”. Proudhon termed himself an anarchist and proposed
that free association of individuals should replace the coercive state. Proudhon himself, Benjamin Tucker, and others
developed these ideas in a mutualist direction, while Mikhail Bakunin (1814–1876), Piotr
Kropotkin (1842–1921), and others adapted Proudhon’s ideas in a more conventionally
socialist direction. In a letter to Marx in 1846, Proudhon wrote:===Mikhail Bakunin===
Mikhail Bakunin (1814–1876), the father of modern anarchism, was a libertarian socialist,
a theory by which the workers would directly manage the means of production through their
own productive associations. There would be “equal means of subsistence,
support, education, and opportunity for every child, boy or girl, until maturity, and equal
resources and facilities in adulthood to create his own well-being by his own labor.”While
many socialists emphasized the gradual transformation of society, most notably through the foundation
of small, utopian communities, a growing number of socialists became disillusioned with the
viability of this approach and instead emphasized direct political action. Early socialists were united in their desire
for a society based on cooperation rather than competition.==Marxism and the socialist movement==The French Revolution of 1789, Karl Marx and
Frederick Engels wrote, “abolished feudal property in favour of bourgeois property”. The French Revolution was preceded and influenced
by the works of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, whose Social Contract famously began: “Man is born
free, and he is everywhere in chains”. Rousseau is credited with influencing socialist
thought, but it was François-Noël Babeuf, and his Conspiracy of Equals, who is credited
with providing a model for left-wing and communist movements of the 19th century. Marx and Engels drew from these socialist
or communist ideas born in the French revolution, as well as from the German philosophy of GWF
Hegel, and English political economy, particularly that of Adam Smith and David Ricardo. Marx and Engels developed a body of ideas
which they called scientific socialism, more commonly called Marxism. Marxism comprised a theory of history (historical
materialism) as well as a political, economic and philosophical theory. In the Manifesto of the Communist Party, written
in 1848 just days before the outbreak of the revolutions of 1848, Marx and Engels wrote,
“The distinguishing feature of Communism is not the abolition of property generally, but
the abolition of bourgeois property”. Unlike those Marx described as utopian socialists,
Marx determined that “[t]he history of all hitherto existing society is the history of
class struggles”. While utopian socialists believed it was possible
to work within or reform capitalist society, Marx confronted the question of the economic
and political power of the capitalist class, expressed in their ownership of the means
of producing wealth (factories, banks, commerce – in a word, “Capital”). Marx and Engels formulated theories regarding
the practical way of achieving and running a socialist system, which they saw as only
being achieved by those who produce the wealth in society, the toilers, workers or “proletariat”,
gaining common ownership of their workplaces, the means of producing wealth. Marx believed that capitalism could only be
overthrown by means of a revolution carried out by the working class: “The proletarian
movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interest
of the immense majority.” Marx believed that the proletariat was the
only class with both the cohesion, the means and the determination to carry the revolution
forward. Unlike the utopian socialists, who often idealised
agrarian life and deplored the growth of modern industry, Marx saw the growth of capitalism
and an urban proletariat as a necessary stage towards socialism. For Marxists, socialism or, as Marx termed
it, the first phase of communist society, can be viewed as a transitional stage characterized
by common or state ownership of the means of production under democratic workers’ control
and management, which Engels argued was beginning to be realised in the Paris Commune of 1871,
before it was overthrown. Socialism to them is simply the transitional
phase between capitalism and “higher phase of communist society”. Because this society has characteristics of
both its capitalist ancestor and is beginning to show the properties of communism, it will
hold the means of production collectively but distributes commodities according to individual
contribution. When the socialist state (the dictatorship
of the proletariat) naturally withers away, what will remain is a society in which human
beings no longer suffer from alienation and “all the springs of co-operative wealth flow
more abundantly”. Here “society inscribe[s] on its banners:
From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs!” For Marx, a communist society entails the
absence of differing social classes and thus the end of class warfare. According to Marx and Engels, once a socialist
society had been ushered in, the state would begin to “wither away” and humanity would
be in control of its own destiny for the first time.==International Workingmen’s Association
(First International)==In Europe, harsh reaction followed the revolutions
of 1848, during which ten countries had experienced brief or long-term social upheaval as groups
carried out nationalist uprisings. After most of these attempts at systematic
change ended in failure, conservative elements took advantage of the divided groups of socialists,
anarchists, liberals, and nationalists, to prevent further revolt. The International Workingmen’s Association
(IWA), also known as the First International, was founded in London in 1864. Victor Le Lubez, a French radical republican
living in London, invited Karl Marx to come to London as a representative of German workers. The IWA held a preliminary conference in 1865,
and had its first congress at Geneva in 1866. Marx was appointed a member of the committee,
and according to Saul Padover, Marx and Johann Georg Eccarius, a tailor living in London,
became “the two mainstays of the International from its inception to its end”. The First International became the first major
international forum for the promulgation of socialist ideas. In 1864 the International Workingmen’s Association
(sometimes called the “First International”) united diverse revolutionary currents including
French followers of Proudhon, Blanquists, Philadelphes, English trade unionists, socialists
and social democrats. In 1868, following their unsuccessful participation
in the League of Peace and Freedom (LPF), Russian revolutionary Mikhail Bakunin and
his collectivist anarchist associates joined the First International (which had decided
not to get involved with the LPF). They allied themselves with the federalist
socialist sections of the International, who advocated the revolutionary overthrow of the
state and the collectivization of property. The Social Democratic Workers’ Party of Germany
was founded in 1869 under the influence of Marx and Engels. In 1875, it merged with the General German
Workers’ Association of Ferdinand Lassalle to become what is known today as the German
Social Democratic Party (SPD). Socialism became increasingly associated with
newly formed trade unions. In Germany, the SPD founded unions. In Austria, France and other European countries,
socialist parties and anarchists played a prominent role in forming and building up
trade unions, especially from the 1870s onwards. This stood in contrast to the British experience,
where moderate New Model Unions dominated the union movement from the mid-nineteenth
century, and where trade unionism was stronger than the political labour movement until the
formation and growth of the Labour Party in the early twentieth century. At first, the collectivists worked with the
Marxists to push the First International in a more revolutionary socialist direction. Subsequently, the International became polarised
into two camps, with Marx and Bakunin as their respective figureheads. Bakunin characterised Marx’s ideas as centralist
and predicted that, if a Marxist party came to power, its leaders would simply take the
place of the ruling class they had fought against. In 1872, the conflict climaxed with a final
split between the two groups at the Hague Congress, where Bakunin and James Guillaume
were expelled from the International and its headquarters were transferred to New York. In response, the federalist sections formed
their own International at the St. Imier Congress, adopting a revolutionary anarchist program.==Paris Commune==In 1871, in the wake of the Franco-Prussian
War an uprising in Paris established the Paris Commune. The Paris Commune was a government that briefly
ruled Paris from 18 March (more formally, from 28 March) to 28 May 1871. The Commune was the result of an uprising
in Paris after France was defeated in the Franco-Prussian War. Anarchists participated actively in the establishment
of the Paris Commune. The 92 members of the Communal Council included
a high proportion of skilled workers and several professionals. Many of them were political activists, ranging
from reformist republicans, various types of socialists, to the Jacobins who tended
to look back nostalgically to the Revolution of 1789. The “reforms initiated by the Commune, such
as the re-opening of workplaces as co-operatives, anarchists can see their ideas of associated
labour beginning to be realised…Moreover, the Commune’s ideas on federation obviously
reflected the influence of Proudhon on French radical ideas. Indeed, the Commune’s vision of a communal
France based on a federation of delegates bound by imperative mandates issued by their
electors and subject to recall at any moment echoes Bakunin’s and Proudhon’s ideas (Proudhon,
like Bakunin, had argued in favour of the “implementation of the binding mandate” in
1848…and for federation of communes). George Woodcock manifests that “a notable
contribution to the activities of the Commune and particularly to the organization of public
services was made by members of various anarchist factions, including the mutualists Courbet,
Longuet, and Vermorel, the libertarian collectivists Varlin, Malon, and Lefrangais, and the bakuninists
Elie and Elisée Reclus and Louise Michel”. The veteran leader of the Blanquist group
of revolutionary socialists, Louis Auguste Blanqui, was hoped by his followers to be
a potential leader of the revolution, but he had been arrested on 17 March and was held
in prison throughout the life of the Commune. The Commune unsuccessfully tried to exchange
him, first against Georges Darboy, Archbishop of Paris, then against all 74 hostages it
detained, but Thiers flatly refused. Some women organized a feminist movement,
following on from earlier attempts in 1789 and 1848. Thus, Nathalie Lemel, a socialist bookbinder,
and Élisabeth Dmitrieff, a young Russian exile and member of the Russian section of
the First International (IWA), created the Union des femmes pour la défense de Paris
et les soins aux blessés (“Women’s Union for the Defense of Paris and Care of the Wounded”)
on 11 April 1871. The Women’s Union also participated in several
municipal commissions and organized cooperative workshops.According to Marx and Engels, for
a few weeks the Paris Commune provided a glimpse of a socialist society before it was brutally
suppressed by the French government. From the outset the Commune was compelled
to recognize that the working class, once come to power, could not manage with the old
state machine; that in order not to lose again its only just conquered supremacy, this working
class must, on the one hand, do away with all the old repressive machinery previously
used against it itself, and, on the other, safeguard itself against its own deputies
and officials, by declaring them all, without exception, subject to recall at any moment. Following the 1871 Paris Commune, the socialist
movement, as the whole of the workers’ movement, was decapitated and deeply affected for years.==The Second International==
As the ideas of Marx and Engels took on flesh, particularly in central Europe, socialists
sought to unite in an international organisation. In 1889, on the centennial of the French Revolution
of 1789, the Second International was founded, with 384 delegates from 20 countries representing
about 300 labour and socialist organizations. Anarchists were ejected and not allowed in
mainly because of the pressure from marxists.Just before his death in 1895, Engels argued that
there was now a “single generally recognised, crystal clear theory of Marx” and a “single
great international army of socialists”. Despite its illegality due to the Anti-Socialist
Laws of 1878, the Social Democratic Party of Germany’s use of the limited universal
male suffrage were “potent” new methods of struggle which demonstrated their growing
strength and forced the dropping of the Anti-Socialist legislation in 1890, Engels argued. In 1893, the German SPD obtained 1,787,000
votes, a quarter of votes cast. However, before the leadership of the SPD
published Engels’ 1895 Introduction to Marx’s Class Struggles in France 1848–1850, they
removed certain phrases they felt were too revolutionary.Marx believed that it was possible
to have a peaceful socialist transformation in England, although the British ruling class
would then revolt against such a victory. America and the Netherlands might also have
a peaceful transformation, but not in France, where Marx believed there had been “perfected…
an enormous bureaucratic and military organisation, with its ingenious state machinery” which
must be forcibly overthrown. However, eight years after Marx’s death, Engels
argued that it was possible to achieve a peaceful socialist revolution in France, too.===Germany===
The SPD was by far the most powerful of the social democratic parties. Its votes reached 4.5 million, it had 90 daily
newspapers, together with trade unions and co-ops, sports clubs, a youth organization,
a women’s organization and hundreds of full-time officials. Under the pressure of this growing party,
Bismarck introduced limited welfare provision and working hours were reduced. Germany experienced sustained economic growth
for more than forty years. Commentators suggest that this expansion,
together with the concessions won, gave rise to illusions amongst the leadership of the
SPD that capitalism would evolve into socialism gradually. Beginning in 1896, in a series of articles
published under the title “Problems of socialism”, Eduard Bernstein argued that an evolutionary
transition to socialism was both possible and more desirable than revolutionary change. Bernstein and his supporters came to be identified
as “revisionists” because they sought to revise the classic tenets of Marxism. Although the orthodox Marxists in the party,
led by Karl Kautsky, retained the Marxist theory of revolution as the official doctrine
of the party, and it was repeatedly endorsed by SPD conferences, in practice the SPD leadership
became increasingly reformist.===Russia===
Bernstein coined the aphorism: “The movement is everything, the final goal nothing”. But the path of reform appeared blocked to
the Russian Marxists while Russia remained the bulwark of reaction. In the preface to the 1882 Russian edition
to the Communist Manifesto, Marx and Engels had saluted the Russian Marxists who, they
said, “formed the vanguard of revolutionary action in Europe”. But the working class, although many were
organised in vast modern western-owned enterprises, comprised no more than a small percentage
of the population and “more than half the land is owned in common by the peasants”. Marx and Engels posed the question: How was
Russia to progress to socialism? Could Russia “pass directly” to socialism
or “must it first pass through the same process” of capitalist development as the West? They replied: “If the Russian Revolution becomes
the signal for a proletarian revolution in the West, so that both complement each other,
the present Russian common ownership of land may serve as the starting point for a communist
development.”In 1903, the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party began to split on ideological
and organizational questions into Bolshevik (‘Majority’) and Menshevik (‘Minority’) factions,
with Russian revolutionary Vladimir Lenin leading the more radical Bolsheviks. Both wings accepted that Russia was an economically
backward country unripe for socialism. The Mensheviks awaited the capitalist revolution
in Russia. But Lenin argued that a revolution of the
workers and peasants would achieve this task. After the Russian revolution of 1905, Leon
Trotsky argued that unlike the French revolution of 1789 and the European Revolutions of 1848
against absolutism, the capitalist class would never organise a revolution in Russia to overthrow
absolutism, and that this task fell to the working class who, liberating the peasantry
from their feudal yoke, would then immediately pass on to the socialist tasks and seek a
“permanent revolution” to achieve international socialism. Assyrian nationalist Freydun Atturaya tried
to create regional self-government for the Assyrian people with the socialism ideology. He even wrote the Urmia Manifesto of the United
Free Assyria. However, his attempt was put to an end by
Soviet Secret Police.===United States===
In 1877, the Socialist Labor Party of America was founded. This party, which advocated Marxism and still
exists today, was a confederation of small Marxist parties and came under the leadership
of Daniel De Leon. In 1901, a merger between opponents of De
Leon and the younger Social Democratic Party joined with Eugene V. Debs to form the Socialist
Party of America. In 1905, the Industrial Workers of the World
formed from several independent labor unions. The IWW opposed the political means of Debs
and De Leon, as well as the craft unionism of Samuel Gompers. In 1910, the Sewer Socialists, the main group
of American socialists, elected Victor Berger as a socialist Congressman and Emil Seidel
as a socialist mayor of Milwaukee, Wisconsin, most of the other elected city officials being
socialist as well. This Socialist Party of America grew to 150,000
in 1912 and polled 897,000 votes in the presidential campaign of that year, 6 percent of the total
vote. Socialist mayor Daniel Hoan, was elected in
1916 and stayed in office until 1940. The final Socialist mayor, Frank P. Zeidler,
was elected in 1948 and served three terms, ending in 1960. Milwaukee remained the hub of Socialism during
these years. The Socialist Party declined after the First
World War. By the 1880s anarcho-communism was already
present in the United States as can be seen in the publication of the journal Freedom:
A Revolutionary Anarchist-Communist Monthly by Lucy Parsons and Lizzy Holmes. Around that time these American anarcho-communist
sectors entered in debate with the individualist anarchist group around Benjamin Tucker.===France===
French socialism was beheaded by the suppression of the Paris commune (1871), its leaders killed
or exiled. But in 1879, at the Marseille Congress, workers’
associations created the Federation of the Socialist Workers of France. Three years later, Jules Guesde and Paul Lafargue,
the son-in-law of Karl Marx, left the federation and founded the French Workers’ Party. The Federation of the Socialist Workers of
France was termed “possibilist” because it advocated gradual reforms, whereas the French
Workers’ Party promoted Marxism. In 1905 these two trends merged to form the
French Section Française de l’Internationale Ouvrière (SFIO), led by Jean Jaurès and
later Léon Blum. In 1906 it won 56 seats in Parliament. The SFIO adhered to Marxist ideas but became,
in practice, a reformist party. By 1914 it had more than 100 members in the
Chamber of Deputies.===World War I===When World War I began in 1914, many European
socialist leaders supported their respective governments’ war aims. The social democratic parties in the UK, France,
Belgium and Germany supported their respective state’s wartime military and economic planning,
discarding their commitment to internationalism and solidarity. Lenin, in his April Theses, denounced the
war as an imperialist conflict, and urged workers worldwide to use it as an occasion
for proletarian revolution. The Second International dissolved during
the war, while Lenin, Trotsky, Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, together with a small
number of other Marxists opposed to the war, came together in the Zimmerwald Conference
in September 1915.==Anarchism==Anarchism as a social movement has regularly
endured fluctuations in popularity. Its classical period, which scholars demarcate
as from 1860 to 1939, is associated with the working-class movements of the 19th century
and the Spanish Civil War-era struggles against fascism. In 1864 the International Workingmen’s Association
(sometimes called the “First International”) united diverse revolutionary currents including
French followers of Proudhon, Blanquists, Philadelphes, English trade unionists, socialists
and social democrats. Proudhon’s followers, the mutualists, opposed
Marx’s state socialism, advocating political abstentionism and small property holdings.The
anti-authoritarian sections of the First International were the precursors of the anarcho-syndicalists,
seeking to “replace the privilege and authority of the State” with the “free and spontaneous
organization of labor”.In 1907, the International Anarchist Congress of Amsterdam gathered delegates
from 14 different countries, among which important figures of the anarchist movement, including
Errico Malatesta, Pierre Monatte, Luigi Fabbri, Benoît Broutchoux, Emma Goldman, Rudolf Rocker,
and Christiaan Cornelissen. Various themes were treated during the Congress,
in particular concerning the organisation of the anarchist movement, popular education
issues, the general strike or antimilitarism. A central debate concerned the relation between
anarchism and syndicalism (or trade unionism). The Federación Obrera Regional Española
(Workers’ Federation of the Spanish Region) in 1881 was the first major anarcho-syndicalist
movement; anarchist trade union federations were of special importance in Spain. The most successful was the Confederación
Nacional del Trabajo (National Confederation of Labour: CNT), founded in 1910. Before the 1940s, the CNT was the major force
in Spanish working class politics, attracting 1.58 million members at one point and playing
a major role in the Spanish Civil War. The CNT was affiliated with the International
Workers Association, a federation of anarcho-syndicalist trade unions founded in 1922, with delegates
representing two million workers from 15 countries in Europe and Latin America. Federación Anarquista Ibérica
Some anarchists, such as Johann Most, advocated publicizing violent acts of retaliation against
counter-revolutionaries because “we preach not only action in and for itself, but also
action as propaganda.” Numerous heads of state were assassinated
between 1881 and 1914 by members of the anarchist movement. For example, U.S. President McKinley’s assassin
Leon Czolgosz claimed to have been influenced by anarchist and feminist Emma Goldman. Anarchists participated alongside the Bolsheviks
in both February and October revolutions, and were initially enthusiastic about the
Bolshevik coup. However, the Bolsheviks soon turned against
the anarchists and other left-wing opposition, a conflict that culminated in the 1921 Kronstadt
rebellion which the new government repressed. Anarchists in central Russia were either imprisoned,
driven underground or joined the victorious Bolsheviks; the anarchists from Petrograd
and Moscow fled to the Ukraine. There, in the Free Territory, they fought
in the civil war against the Whites (a Western-backed grouping of monarchists and other opponents
of the October Revolution) and then the Bolsheviks as part of the Revolutionary Insurrectionary
Army of Ukraine led by Nestor Makhno, who established an anarchist society in the region
for a number of months. In the 1920s and 1930s, the rise of fascism
in Europe transformed anarchism’s conflict with the state. In Spain, the CNT initially refused to join
a popular front electoral alliance, and abstention by CNT supporters led to a right wing election
victory. But in 1936, the CNT changed its policy and
anarchist votes helped bring the popular front back to power. Months later, the former ruling class responded
with an attempted coup causing the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939). In response to the army rebellion, an anarchist-inspired
movement of peasants and workers, supported by armed militias, took control of Barcelona
and of large areas of rural Spain where they collectivised the land. But even before the fascist victory in 1939,
the anarchists were losing ground in a bitter struggle with the Stalinists, who controlled
the distribution of military aid to the Republican cause from the Soviet Union. Stalinist-led troops suppressed the collectives
and persecuted both dissident Marxists and anarchists.A surge of popular interest in
anarchism occurred during the 1960s and 1970s. In 1968 in Carrara, Italy the International
of Anarchist Federations was founded during an international Anarchist conference in Carrara
in 1968 by the three existing European federations of France, the Italian and the Iberian Anarchist
Federation as well as the Bulgarian federation in French exile. In the United Kingdom this was associated
with the punk rock movement, as exemplified by bands such as Crass and the Sex Pistols. The housing and employment crisis in most
of Western Europe led to the formation of communes and squatter movements like that
of Barcelona, Spain. In Denmark, squatters occupied a disused military
base and declared the Freetown Christiania, an autonomous haven in central Copenhagen. Since the revival of anarchism in the mid
20th century, a number of new movements and schools of thought emerged. Around the turn of the 21st century, anarchism
grew in popularity and influence as part of the anti-war, anti-capitalist, and anti-globalisation
movements. Anarchists became known for their involvement
in protests against the meetings of the World Trade Organization (WTO), Group of Eight,
and the World Economic Forum. Some anarchist factions at these protests
engaged in rioting, property destruction, and violent confrontations with police, and
the confrontations were selectively portrayed in mainstream media coverage as violent riots. These actions were precipitated by ad hoc,
leaderless, anonymous cadres known as black blocs; other organisational tactics pioneered
in this time include security culture, affinity groups and the use of decentralised technologies
such as the internet. A landmark struggle of this period was the
confrontations at WTO conference in Seattle in 1999.International anarchist federations
in existence include the International of Anarchist Federations, the International Workers’
Association, and International Libertarian Solidarity.==Social democracy to 1917==
The Social Democratic Party (SPD) in Germany became the largest and most powerful socialist
party in Europe, despite working illegally until the anti-socialist laws were dropped
in 1890. In the 1893 elections it gained 1,787,000
votes, a quarter of the total votes cast, according to Engels. In 1895, the year of his death, Engels emphasised
the Communist Manifesto’s emphasis on winning, as a first step, the “battle of democracy”. Since the 1866 introduction of universal male
franchise the SPD had proved that old methods of, “surprise attacks, of revolutions carried
through by small conscious minorities at the head of masses lacking consciousness is past”. Marxists, Engels emphasised, must “win over
the great mass of the people” before initiating a revolution.Marx believed that it was possible
to have a peaceful socialist revolution in England, America and the Netherlands, but
not in France, where he believed there had been “perfected … an enormous bureaucratic
and military organisation, with its ingenious state machinery” which must be forcibly overthrown. However, eight years after Marx’s death, Engels
regarded it possible to achieve a peaceful socialist revolution in France, too.In 1896,
Eduard Bernstein argued that once full democracy had been achieved, a transition to socialism
by gradual means was both possible and more desirable than revolutionary change. Bernstein and his supporters came to be identified
as “revisionists”, because they sought to revise the classic tenets of Marxism. Although the orthodox Marxists in the party,
led by Karl Kautsky, retained the Marxist theory of revolution as the official doctrine
of the party, and it was repeatedly endorsed by SPD conferences, in practice the SPD leadership
became more and more reformist. In Europe most Social Democratic parties participated
in parliamentary politics and the day-to-day struggles of the trade unions. In the UK, however, many trade unionists who
were members of the Social Democratic Federation, which included at various times future trade
union leaders such as Will Thorne, John Burns and Tom Mann, felt that the Federation neglected
the industrial struggle. Along with Engels, who refused to support
the SDF, many felt that dogmatic approach of the SDF, particularly of its leader, Henry
Hyndman, meant that it remained an isolated sect. The mass parties of the working class under
social democratic leadership became more reformist and lost sight of their revolutionary objective. Thus the French Section of the Workers’ International
(SFIO), founded in 1905, under Jean Jaurès and later Léon Blum adhered to Marxist ideas,
but became in practice a reformist party. In some countries, particularly Britain and
the British dominions, labour parties were formed. These were parties largely formed by and controlled
by the trade unions, rather than formed by groups of socialist activists who then appealed
to the workers for support. In Britain, the Labour Party, (at first the
Labour Representation Committee) was established by representatives of trade unions together
with affiliated socialist parties, principally the Independent Labour Party but also for
a time the avowedly Marxist Social Democratic Federation and other groups, such as the Fabians. On 1 December 1899 Anderson Dawson of the
Australian Labor Party became the Premier of Queensland, Australia, forming the world’s
first parliamentary socialist government . The Dawson government, however, lasted only one
week, being defeated at the first sitting of parliament. The British Labour Party first won seats in
the House of Commons in 1902. It won the majority of the working class away
from the Liberal Party after World War I. In Australia, the Labor Party achieved rapid
success, forming its first national government in 1904. Labour parties were also formed in South Africa
and New Zealand but had less success. The British Labour Party adopted a specifically
socialist constitution (‘Clause four, Part four’) in 1918. The strongest opposition to revisionism came
from socialists in countries such as the Russian Empire where parliamentary democracy did not
exist. Chief among these was the Russian Vladimir
Lenin, whose works such as Our Programme (1899) set out the views of those who rejected revisionist
ideas. In 1903, there was the beginnings of what
eventually became a formal split in the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party into revolutionary
Bolshevik and reformist Menshevik factions. In 1914, the outbreak of World War I led to
a crisis in European socialism. The parliamentary leaderships of the socialist
parties of Germany, France, Belgium and Britain each voted to support the war aims of their
country’s governments, although some leaders, like Ramsay MacDonald in Britain and Karl
Liebknecht in Germany, opposed the war from the start. Lenin, in exile in Switzerland, called for
revolutions in all the combatant states as the only way to end the war and achieve socialism. Lenin, Leon Trotsky, Karl Liebknecht and Rosa
Luxemburg, together with a small number of other Marxists opposed to the war, came together
in the Zimmerwald Conference in September 1915. This conference saw the beginning of the end
of the uneasy coexistence of revolutionary socialists with the social democrats, and
by 1917 war-weariness led to splits in several socialist parties, notably the German Social
Democrats. The Russian Revolution of October 1917 led
to a withdrawal from World War I, one of the principal demands of the Russian revolution,
as the Soviet government immediately sued for peace. Germany and the former allies invaded the
new Soviet Russia, which had repudiated the former Romanov regime’s national debts and
nationalized the banks and major industry. Russia was the only country in the world where
socialists had taken power, and it appeared to many socialists to confirm the ideas, strategy
and tactics of Lenin and Trotsky.==The inter-war era and World War II==
The Russian Revolution of October 1917 brought about the definitive ideological division
between Communists as denoted with a capital “C” on the one hand and other communist and
socialist trends such as anarcho-communists and social democrats, on the other. The Left Opposition in the Soviet Union gave
rise to Trotskyism which was to remain isolated and insignificant for another fifty years,
except in Sri Lanka where Trotskyism gained the majority and the pro-Moscow wing was expelled
from the Communist Party. In 1922, the fourth congress of the Communist
International took up the policy of the United Front, urging Communists to work with rank
and file Social Democrats while remaining critical of their leaders, who they criticised
for “betraying” the working class by supporting the war efforts of their respective capitalist
classes. For their part, the social democrats pointed
to the dislocation caused by revolution and later the growing authoritarianism of the
Communist Parties. When the Communist Party of Great Britain
applied to affiliate to the Labour Party in 1920 it was turned down.===Revolutionary socialism and the Soviet
Union (1917–1939)===After three years, the First World War, at
first greeted with enthusiastic patriotism, produced an upsurge of radicalism in most
of Europe and also as far afield as the United States (see Socialism in the United States)
and Australia. In the Russian revolution of February 1917,
workers’ councils (in Russian, soviets) had been formed, and Lenin and the Bolsheviks
called for “All power to the Soviets”. After the October 1917 Russian revolution,
led by Lenin and Trotsky, consolidated power in the Soviets, Lenin declared “Long live
the world socialist revolution!”. Briefly in Soviet Russia socialism was not
just a vision of a future society, but a description of an existing one. The Soviet regime began to bring all the means
of production (except agricultural production) under state control, and implemented a system
of government through the workers’ councils or soviets. The initial success of the Russian Revolution
inspired other revolutionary parties to attempt the same thing unleashing the Revolutions
of 1917-23. In the chaotic circumstances of postwar Europe,
with the socialist parties divided and discredited, Communist revolutions across Europe seemed
a possibility. Communist parties were formed, often from
minority or majority factions in most of the world’s socialist parties, which broke away
in support of the Leninist model. The German Revolution of 1918 overthrew the
old absolutism and, like Russia, set up Workers’ and Soldiers’ Councils almost entirely made
up of SPD and Independent Social Democrats (USPD) members. The Weimar republic was established and placed
the SPD in power, under the leadership of Friedrich Ebert. Ebert agreed with Max von Baden that a social
revolution was to be prevented and the state order must be upheld at any cost. In 1919 the Spartacist uprising challenged
the power of the SPD government, but it was put down in blood and the German Communist
leaders Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg were assassinated. Communist regimes briefly held power under
Béla Kun in Hungary and under Kurt Eisner in Bavaria. There were further revolutionary movements
in Germany until 1923, as well as in Vienna, and also in the industrial centres of northern
Italy. In this period few Communists doubted, least
of all Lenin and Trotsky, that successful socialist revolutions carried out by the working
classes of the most developed capitalist counties were essential to the success of the socialism,
and therefore to the success of socialism in Russia in particular. In March 1918, Lenin said: “We are doomed
if the German revolution does not break out”. In 1919, the Communist Parties came together
to form a ‘Third International’, termed the Communist International or Comintern. But the prolonged revolutionary period in
Germany did not bring a socialist revolution. A marxist current critical of the bolcheviks
emerged and as such “Luxemburg’s workerism and spontaneism are exemplary of positions
later taken up by the far-left of the period – Pannekoek, Roland Holst, and Gorter in
the Netherlands, Sylvia Pankhurst in Britain, Gramsci in Italy, Lukacs in Hungary. In these formulations, the dictatorship of
the proletariat was to be the dictatorship of a class, “not of a party or of a clique”. However, within this line of thought “[t]he
tension between anti-vanguardism and vanguardism has frequently resolved itself in two diametrically
opposed ways: the first involved a drift towards the party; the second saw a move towards the
idea of complete proletarian spontaneity…The first course is exemplified most clearly in
Gramsci and Lukacs…The second course is illustrated in the tendency, developing from
the Dutch and German far-lefts, which inclined towards the complete eradication of the party
form.” In the emerging Soviet state there appeared
Left-wing uprisings against the Bolsheviks which were a series of rebellions and uprisings
against the Bolsheviks led or supported by left wing groups including Socialist Revolutionaries,
Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, Mensheviks, and anarchists. Some were in support of the White Movement
while some tried to be an independent force. The uprisings started in 1918 and continued
through the Russian Civil War and after until 1922. In response the Bolsheviks increasingly abandoned
attempts to get these groups to join the government and suppressed them with force. Within a few years a bureaucracy developed
in Russia as a result of the Russian Civil War, foreign invasion, and Russia’s historic
poverty and backwardness. The bureaucracy undermined the democratic
and socialist ideals of the Bolshevik Party and elevated Stalin to their leadership after
Lenin’s death. In order to consolidate power, the bureaucracy
conducted a brutal campaign of lies and violence against the Left Opposition led by Trotsky. By the mid 1920s, the impetus had gone out
of the revolutionary forces in Europe and the national reformist socialist parties had
regained their dominance over the working-class movement in most countries. The German Social Democrats held office for
much of the 1920s, the British Labour Party formed its first government in 1924, and the
French Socialists were also influential. In the Soviet Union, from 1924 Stalin pursued
a policy of “socialism in one country”. Trotsky argued that this approach was a shift
away from the theory of Marx and Lenin, while others argued that it was a practical compromise
fit for the times. The postwar revolutionary upsurge provoked
a powerful reaction from the forces of conservatism. Winston Churchill declared that Bolshevism
must be “strangled in its cradle”. The invasion of Russia by the Allies, their
trade embargo and backing for the White forces fighting against the Red Army in the civil
war in the Soviet Union was cited by Aneurin Bevan, the leader of the left-wing in the
Labour Party, as one of the causes of the Russian revolution’s degeneration into dictatorship. A “Red scare” in the United States was raised
against the American Socialist Party of Eugene V. Debs and the Communist Party of America
which arose after the Russian revolution from members who had broken from Debs’ party. In Europe, fascist movements received significant
funding, particularly from industrialists in heavy industry, and came to power in Italy
in 1922 under Benito Mussolini, and later in Germany in 1933, in Spain (1937) and Portugal,
while strong fascist movements also developed in Hungary and Romania. After 1929, with the Left Opposition legally
banned and Trotsky exiled, Stalin led the Soviet Union into a what he termed a “higher
stage of socialism.” Agriculture was forcibly collectivised, at
the cost of a massive famine and millions of deaths among the resistant peasantry. The surplus squeezed from the peasants was
spent on a program of crash industrialisation, guided by the Communist Party through the
Five Year Plan. This program produced some impressive results,
though at enormous human costs. Russia raised itself from an economically
backward country to that of a superpower. Later Soviet development, however, particularly
after the Second World War, was no faster than it was in Japan or the United States
under capitalism. The use of resources, material and human,
in the Soviet Union became very wasteful. Stalin’s industrialization policy was geared
towards the development of heavy industry, an emphasis that facilitated Soviet military
action in its defence against Hitler’s invasion during the Second World War in which the USSR
stood on the side of the Allies of World War II. For “many Marxian libertarian socialists,
the political bankruptcy of socialist orthodoxy necessitated a theoretical break. This break took a number of forms. The Bordigists and the SPGB championed a super-Marxian
intransigence in theoretical matters. Other socialists made a return “behind Marx”
to the anti-positivist programme of German idealism. Libertarian socialism has frequently linked
its anti-authoritarian political aspirations with this theoretical differentiation from
orthodoxy… Karl Korsch… remained a libertarian socialist
for a large part of his life and because of the persistent urge towards theoretical openness
in his work. Korsch rejected the eternal and static, and
he was obsessed by the essential role of practice in a theory’s truth. For Korsch, no theory could escape history,
not even Marxism. In this vein, Korsch even credited the stimulus
for Marx’s Capital to the movement of the oppressed classes. “The Soviet achievement in the 1930s seemed
hugely impressive from the outside, and convinced many people, not necessarily Communists or
even socialists, of the virtues of state planning and authoritarian models of social development. This was later to have important consequences
in countries like China, India and Egypt, which tried to copy some aspects of the Soviet
model. It also won large sections of the western
intelligentsia over to a pro-Soviet view, to the extent that many were willing to ignore
or excuse such events as Stalin’s Great Purge of 1936-38, in which millions of people died. The Great Depression, which began in 1929,
seemed to socialists and Communists everywhere to be the final proof of the bankruptcy, literally
as well as politically, of capitalism. But socialists were unable to take advantage
of the Depression to either win elections or stage revolutions. Labor governments in Britain and Australia
were disastrous failures. In the United States, the liberalism of President
Franklin D. Roosevelt won mass support and deprived socialists of any chance of gaining
ground. And in Germany it was the fascists of Adolf
Hitler’s Nazi Party who successfully exploited the Depression to win power, in January 1933. Hitler’s regime swiftly destroyed both the
German Communist Party and the Social Democratic Party, the worst blow the world socialist
movement had ever suffered. This forced Stalin to reassess his strategy,
and from 1935 the Comintern began urging a Popular Front against fascism. The socialist parties were at first suspicious,
given the bitter hostility of the 1920s, but eventually effective Popular Fronts were formed
in both France and Spain. After the election of a Popular Front government
in Spain in 1936 a fascist military revolt led to the Spanish Civil War. The crisis in Spain also brought down the
Popular Front government in France under Léon Blum. Ultimately the Popular Fronts were not able
to prevent the spread of fascism or the aggressive plans of the fascist powers. Trotskyists considered Popular Fronts a “strike
breaking conspiracy” and considered them an impediment to successful resistance to fascism. When Stalin consolidated his power in the
Soviet Union in the late 1920s, Trotsky was forced into exile, eventually residing in
Mexico. He maintained active in organizing the Left
Opposition internationally, which worked within the Comintern to gain new members. Some leaders of the Communist Parties sided
with Trotsky, such as James P. Cannon in the United States. They found themselves expelled by the Stalinist
Parties and persecuted by both GPU agents and the political police in Britain, France,
the United States, China, and all over the world. Trotskyist parties had a large influence in
Sri Lanka and Bolivia.In 1938, Trotsky and his supporters founded a new international
organisation of dissident communists, the Fourth International. In his Results and Prospects and Permanent
Revolution Trotsky developed a theory of revolution uninterrupted by the stagism of Stalinist
orthodoxy. He argued that Russia was a bureaucratically
degenerated workers state in his work The Revolution Betrayed, where he predicted (?) that
if a political revolution of the working class did not overthrow Stalinism, the Stalinist
bureaucracy would resurrect capitalism. Trotsky’s History of the Russian Revolution
is considered a work of primary importance by Trotsky’s followers.===Britain===
Once the world’s most powerful nation, Britain avoided a revolution during the period of
1917–1923 but was significantly affected by revolt. The Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, had
promised the troops in the 1918 election that his Conservative-led coalition would make
post-war Britain “a fit land for heroes to live in”. But many demobbed troops complained of chronic
unemployment and suffered low pay, disease and poor housing.In 1918, the Labour Party
adopted as its aim to secure for the workers, “the common ownership of the means of production,
distribution and exchange”. In 1919, the Miners Federation, whose Members
of Parliament pre-dated the formation of the Labour Party and were since 1906 a part of
that body, demanded the withdrawal of British troops from Soviet Russia. The 1919 Labour Party conference voted to
discuss the question of affiliation to the Third (Communist) International, “to the distress
of its leaders”. A vote was won committing the Labour Party
committee of the Trades Union Congress to arrange “direct industrial action” to “stop
capitalist attacks upon the Socialist Republics of Russia and Hungary.” The threat of immediate strike action forced
the Conservative-led coalition government to abandon its intervention in Russia. In 1914 the unions of the transport workers,
the mine workers and the railway workers had formed a Triple Alliance. In 1919, Lloyd George sent for the leaders
of the Triple Alliance, one of whom was miner’s leader Robert Smillie, a founder member of
the Independent Labour Party in 1889 who was to become a Labour Party MP in the first 1924
Labour government. According to Smillie, Lloyd George said: Gentlemen,
you have fashioned, in the Triple Alliance of the unions represented by you, a most powerful
instrument. I feel bound to tell you that in our opinion
we are at your mercy. The Army is disaffected and cannot be relied
upon. Trouble has occurred already in a number of
camps. We have just emerged from a great war and
the people are eager for the reward of their sacrifices, and we are in no position to satisfy
them. In these circumstances, if you carry out your
threat and strike, then you will defeat us. But if you do so, have you weighed the consequences? The strike will be in defiance of the government
of the country and by its very success will precipitate a constitutional crisis of the
first importance. For, if a force arises in the state which
is stronger than the state itself, then it must be ready to take on the functions of
the state, or withdraw and accept the authority of the state. Gentlemen, have you considered, and if you
have, are you ready? “From that moment on”, Smillie conceded to
Aneurin Bevan, “we were beaten and we knew we were”. When the UK General Strike of 1926 broke out,
the trade union leaders, “had never worked out the revolutionary implications of direct
action on such a scale”, Bevan says. Bevan was a member of the Independent Labour
Party and one of the leaders of the South Wales miners during the strike. The TUC called off the strike after nine days. In the North East of England and elsewhere,
“councils of action” were set up, with many rank and file Communist Party members often
playing a critical role. The councils of action took control of essential
transport and other duties. When the strike ended, the miners were locked
out and remained locked out for six months. Bevan became a Labour MP in 1929. In January 1924, the Labour Party formed a
minority government for the first time with Ramsay MacDonald as prime minister. The Labour Party intended to ratify an Anglo-Russian
trade agreement, which would break the trade embargo on Russia. This was attacked by the Conservatives and
new elections took place in October 1924. Four days before polling day the Daily Mail
published the Zinoviev letter, a forgery that claimed the Labour Party had links with Soviet
Communists and was secretly fomenting revolution. The fears instilled by the press of a Labour
Party in secret Communist manoeuvres, together with the half-hearted “respectable” policies
pursued by MacDonald, led to Labour losing the October 1924 general election. The victorious Conservatives repudiated the
Anglo-Soviet treaty. The leadership of the Labour Party, like social
democratic parties almost everywhere, (with the exception of Sweden and Belgium), tried
to pursue a policy of moderation and economic orthodoxy. At times of depression this policy was not
popular with the Labour Party’s working class supporters. The influence of Marxism grew in the Labour
Party during the inter-war years. Anthony Crosland argued in 1956 that under
the impact of the 1931 slump and the growth of fascism, the younger generation of left-wing
intellectuals for the most part “took to Marxism” including the “best-known leaders” of the
Fabian tradition, Sidney and Beatrice Webb. The Marxist Professor Harold Laski, who was
to be chairman of the Labour Party in 1945-6, was the “outstanding influence” in the political
field.The Marxists within the Labour Party differed in their attitude to the Communists. Some were uncitical and some were expelled
as “fellow travellers”, while in the 1930s others were Trotskyists and sympathisers working
inside the Labour Party, especially in its youth wing where they were influential. In the general election of 1929 the Labour
Party won 288 seats out of 615 and formed another minority government. The depression of that period brought high
unemployment and Prime Minister MacDonald sought to make cuts in order to balance the
budget. The trade unions opposed MacDonald’s proposed
cuts and he split the Labour government to form the National Government of 1931. This experience moved the Labour Party leftward,
and at the start of the Second World War an official Labour Party pamphlet written by
Harold Laski argued that, “the rise of Hitler and the methods by which he seeks to maintain
and expand his power are deeply rooted in the economic and social system of Europe…
economic nationalism, the fight for markets, the destruction of political democracy, the
use of war as an instrument of national policy”: The war will leave its meed of great problems,
problems of internal social organisation… Business men and aristocrats, the old ruling
classes of Europe, had their chance from 1919 to 1939; they failed to take advantage of
it. They rebuilt the world in the image of their
own vested interests… The ruling class has failed; this war is the
proof of it. The time has come to give the common people
the right to become the master of their own destiny… Capitalism has been tried; the results of
its power are before us today. Imperialism has been tried; it is the foster-parent
of this great agony. Given power [the Labour Party] will seek,
as no other Party will seek, the basic transformation of our society. It will replace the profit-seeking motive
by the motive of public service… there is now no prospect of domestic well-being
or of international peace except in Socialism.===United States===
After embracing anarchism, Albert Parsons turned his activity to the growing movement
to establish the 8-hour day. In January 1880, the Eight-Hour League of
Chicago sent Parsons to a national conference in Washington, D.C., a gathering which launched
a national lobbying movement aimed at coordinating efforts of labor organizations to win and
enforce the 8-hour workday. In the fall of 1884, Parsons launched a weekly
anarchist newspaper in Chicago, The Alarm. The first issue was dated October 4, 1884,
and was produced in a press run of 15,000 copies. The publication was a 4-page broadsheet with
a cover price of 5 cents. The Alarm listed the International Working
People’s Association as its publisher and touted itself as “A Socialistic Weekly” on
its page 2 masthead. On May 1, 1886, Parsons, with his wife Lucy
Parsons and two children, led 80,000 people down Michigan Avenue, in what is regarded
as the first-ever May Day Parade, in support of the eight-hour work day. Over the next few days 340,000 laborers joined
the strike. Parsons, amidst the May Day Strike, found
himself called to Cincinnati, where 300,000 workers had struck that Saturday afternoon. On that Sunday he addressed the rally in Cincinnati
of the news from the “storm center” of the strike and participated in a second huge parade,
led by 200 members of The Cincinnati Rifle Union, with certainty that victory was at
hand. In 1886, the Federation of Organized Trades
and Labor Unions (FOTLU) of the United States and Canada unanimously set 1 May 1886, as
the date by which the eight-hour work day would become standard. In response, unions across the United States
prepared a general strike in support of the event. On 3 May, in Chicago, a fight broke out when
strikebreakers attempted to cross the picket line, and two workers died when police opened
fire upon the crowd. The next day on 4 May, anarchists staged a
rally at Chicago’s Haymarket Square. A bomb was thrown by an unknown party near
the conclusion of the rally, killing an officer. In the ensuing panic, police opened fire on
the crowd and each other. Seven police officers and at least four workers
were killed. Eight anarchists directly and indirectly related
to the organisers of the rally were arrested and charged with the murder of the deceased
officer. The men became international political celebrities
among the labour movement. Four of the men were executed and a fifth
committed suicide prior to his own execution. The incident became known as the Haymarket
affair, and was a setback for the labour movement and the struggle for the eight-hour day. In 1890 a second attempt, this time international
in scope, to organise for the eight-hour day was made. The event also had the secondary purpose of
memorializing workers killed as a result of the Haymarket affair. Although it had initially been conceived as
a once-off event, by the following year the celebration of International Workers’ Day
on May Day had become firmly established as an international worker’s holiday. Albert Parsons is best remembered as one of
four Chicago radical leaders convicted of conspiracy and hanged following a bomb attack
on police remembered as the Haymarket affair. Emma Goldman, the activist and political theorist,
was attracted to anarchism after reading about the incident and the executions, which she
later described as “the events that had inspired my spiritual birth and growth.” She considered the Haymarket martyrs to be
“the most decisive influence in my existence”. Her associate, Alexander Berkman also described
the Haymarket anarchists as “a potent and vital inspiration.” Others whose commitment to anarchism crystallized
as a result of the Haymarket affair included Voltairine de Cleyre and “Big Bill” Haywood,
a founding member of the Industrial Workers of the World. Goldman wrote to historian, Max Nettlau, that
the Haymarket affair had awakened the social consciousness of “hundreds, perhaps thousands,
of people”.In the Presidential election of 1912, Eugene V. Debs received 5.99% of the
popular vote (a total of 901,551 votes), while his total of 913,693 votes in the 1920 campaign,
although smaller percentage-wise, remains the all-time high for a Socialist Party candidate
in the United States.In the United States, the Communist Party USA was formed in 1919
from former adherents of the Socialist Party of America. One of the founders, James Cannon, later became
the leader of Trotskyist forces outside the Soviet Union. The Great Depression began in the US on Black
Tuesday, October 29, 1929. Unemployment rates passed 25%, prices and
incomes fell 20–50%, but the debts remained at the same dollar amount. 9,000 banks failed during the decade of the
30s. By 1933, depositors saw $140 billion of their
deposits disappear due to uninsured bank failures.In 1921 occurred the largest armed, organized
uprising in American labor history: the Battle of Blair Mountain. Ten to fifteen thousand coal miners rebelled
in West Virginia, assaulting mountain-top lines of trenches established by the coal
companies and local sheriff’s forces. Workers organized against their deteriorating
conditions and socialists played a critical role. In 1934 the Minneapolis Teamsters Strike led
by the Trotskyist Communist League of America, the West Coast Longshore Strike led by the
Communist Party USA, and the Toledo Auto-Lite Strike led by the American Workers Party,
played an important role in the formation of the Congress of Industrial Organizations
(CIO) in the USA. In Minnesota, the General Drivers Local 574
of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters struck, despite an attempt to block the vote
by AFL officials, demanding union recognition, increased wages, shorter hours, overtime rates,
improved working conditions and job protection through seniority. In the battles that followed, which captured
country-wide media attention, three strikes took place, martial law was declared and the
National Guard was sent in. Two strikers were killed. Protest rallies of 40,000 were held. Farrell Dobbs, who became the leader of the
local, had at the outset joined the “small and poverty-stricken” Communist League of
America, founded by James P. Cannon and others in 1928 after their expulsion from the Communist
Party USA for Trotskyism.Success for the CIO quickly followed its formation. In 1937, one of the founding unions of the
CIO, the United Auto Workers, won union recognition at General Motors Corporation after a tumultuous
forty-four-day sit-down strike, while the Steel Workers Organizing Committee, which
was formed by the CIO, won a collective bargaining agreement with U.S. Steel. The CIO merged with the American Federation
of Labor (AFL) in 1955 becoming the AFL-CIO.===
Germany===In 1928, the Communist International, now
fully under the leadership of Stalin, turned from the united front policy to an ultra-left
policy of the Third Period, a policy of aggressive confrontation of social democracy. This divided the working class at a critical
time. Like the Labour Party in the UK, the Social
Democratic Party in Germany, which was in power in 1928, followed an orthodox deflationary
policy and pressed for reductions in unemployment benefits in order to save taxes and reduce
budget deficits. These policies did not halt the recession
and the government resigned. The Communists described the Social Democratic
leaders as “social fascists” and in the Prussian Landtag they voted with the Nazis to bring
down the Social Democratic government. Fascism continued to grow, with powerful backing
from industrialists, especially in heavy industry, and Hitler was invited into power in 1933. Hitler’s regime swiftly destroyed both the
German Communist Party and the Social Democratic Party, the worst blow the world socialist
movement had ever suffered. This forced Stalin to reassess his strategy,
and from 1935 the Comintern began urging the formation of Popular Fronts, which were to
include not just the Social Democratic parties but critically also “progressive capitalist”
parties which were wedded to a capitalist policy. After the election of a Popular Front government
in Spain in 1936 a fascist military revolt led to the Spanish Civil War. The crisis in Spain brought down the Popular
Front government in France under Léon Blum. Ultimately the Popular Fronts were not able
to prevent the spread of fascism or the aggressive plans of the fascist powers. Trotskyists considered Popular Fronts a “strike
breaking conspiracy”, an impediment to successful resistance to fascism due to their inclusion
of pro-capitalist parties which demanded policies of opposition to strikes and workers’ actions
against the capitalist class.===Sweden===
The Swedish Socialists formed a government in 1932. They broke with economic orthodoxy during
the depression and carried out extensive public works financed from government borrowing. They emphasised large-scale intervention and
the high unemployment they had inherited was eliminated by 1938. Their success encouraged the adoption of Keynesian
policies of deficit financing pursued by almost all Western countries after World War II.===Spain===
During the Spanish Civil War, anarchists set up different forms of cooperative and communal
arrangements, especially in the rural areas of Aragon and Catalonia. However, these communes were disbanded by
the Popular Front government.===Israel===Jewish Zionists established utopian socialist
communities in Palestine, which were known as kibbutzim, a small number of which still
survive.==The Post-war era (1945–1985)==
In the 1930s, the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), a reformist socialist political
party that was up to then based upon revisionist Marxism, began a transition away from Marxism
towards liberal socialism beginning in the 1930s. After the party was banned by the Nazi regime
in 1933, the SPD acted in exile through the Sopade. In 1934 the Sopade began to publish material
that indicated that the SPD was turning towards liberal socialism. Sopade member Curt Geyer was a prominent proponent
of liberal socialism within the Sopade, and declared that Sopade represented the tradition
of Weimar Republic social democracy—liberal democratic socialism, and declared that Sopade’s
held true to its mandate of traditional liberal principles combined with the political realism
of socialism. After the restoration of democracy in West
Germany, The SPD’s Godesberg Program in 1959 eliminated the party’s remaining Marxist-aligned
policies. The SPD then became officially based upon
freiheitlicher Sozialismus (liberal socialism). West German Chancellor Willy Brandt has been
identified as a liberal socialist.In 1945, the world’s three great powers met at the
Yalta Conference to negotiate an amicable and stable peace. UK Prime Minister Winston Churchill joined
USA President Franklin D. Roosevelt and Joseph Stalin, General Secretary of the Communist
Party of the Soviet Union’s Central Committee. With the relative decline of Britain compared
to the two superpowers, the USA and the Soviet Union, however, many viewed the world as “bi-polar”
– a world with two irreconcilable and antagonistic political and economic systems.As a result
of the failure of the Popular Fronts and the inability of Britain and France to conclude
a defensive alliance against Hitler, Stalin again changed his policy in August 1939 and
signed a non-aggression pact, the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, with Nazi Germany. Shortly afterwards World War II broke out,
and within two years Hitler had occupied most of Europe, and by 1942 both democracy and
social democracy in central Europe fell under the threat of fascism. The only socialist parties of any significance
able to operate freely were those in Britain, Sweden, Switzerland, Canada, Australia and
New Zealand. But the entry of the Soviet Union into the
war in 1941 marked the turning of the tide against fascism, and as the German armies
retreated another great upsurge in left-wing sentiment swelled up in their wake. The resistance movements against German occupation
were mostly led by socialists and communists, and by the end of the war the parties of the
left were greatly strengthened. One of the great postwar victories of democratic
socialism was the election victory of the British Labour Party led by Clement Attlee
in June 1945. Socialist (and in some places Stalinist) parties
also dominated postwar governments in France, Italy, Czechoslovakia, Belgium, Norway and
other European countries. The Social Democratic Party had been in power
in Sweden since 1932, and Labour parties also held power in Australia and New Zealand. In Germany, on the other hand, the Social
Democrats emerged from the war much weakened, and were defeated in Germany’s first democratic
elections in 1949. The united front between democrats and the
Stalinist parties which had been established in the wartime resistance movements continued
in the immediate postwar years. The democratic socialist parties of Eastern
Europe, however, were destroyed when Stalin imposed so-called “Communist” regimes in these
countries. The Second International, which had been based
in Amsterdam, ceased to operate during the war. It was refounded as the Socialist International
at a congress in Frankfurt in 1951. Since Stalin had dissolved the Comintern in
1943, as part of a deal with the imperialist powers, this was now the only effective international
socialist organisation. The Frankfurt Declaration took a stand against
both capitalism and the Communism of Stalin: Socialism aims to liberate the peoples from
dependence on a minority which owns or controls the means of production. It aims to put economic power in the hands
of the people as a whole, and to create a community in which free men work together
as equals… Socialism has become a major force in world
affairs. It has passed from propaganda into practice. In some countries the foundations of a Socialist
society have already been laid. Here the evils of capitalism are disappearing… Since the Bolshevik revolution in Russia,
Communism has split the International Labour Movement and has set back the realisation
of socialism in many countries for decades. Communism falsely claims a share in the Socialist
tradition. In fact, it has distorted that tradition beyond
recognition. It has built up a rigid theology which is
incompatible with the critical spirit of Marxism… Wherever it has gained power it has destroyed
freedom or the chance of gaining freedom… Anarcho-pacifism became influential in the
Anti-nuclear movement and anti war movements of the time as can be seen in the activism
and writings of the English anarchist member of Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament Alex Comfort
or the similar activism of the American catholic anarcho-pacifists Ammon Hennacy and Dorothy
Day. Anarcho-pacifism became a “basis for a critique
of militarism on both sides of the Cold War.” The resurgence of anarchist ideas during this
period is well documented in Robert Graham’s Anarchism: A Documentary History of Libertarian
Ideas, Volume Two: The Emergence of the New Anarchism (1939–1977).===The first socialist government in a North
American country===The first socialist government of Canada and
one of the most influential came to power in the province of Saskatchewan in 1944. The Co-operative Commonwealth Federation of
Tommy Douglas won an overwhelming victory toppling the age old Liberal regime which
had dominated Saskatchewan politics since the founding of the province in 1905. Douglas and the CCF won five consecutive electoral
victories. During his time in office he created the Saskatchewan
Power Corp. which extended electricity services to the many rural villages and farms who before
did without, created Canada’s first public automobile insurance agency, created a substantial
number of Crown Corporations (government and public owned businesses) many of which still
exist today in Saskatchewan, allowed the unionization of the public service, created the first system
of Universal Health Care in Canada (which would later be adopted nationally in 1965),
and created Saskatchewan’s Bill of Rights, the first such charter in Canada. This preceded the Canadian Charter of Rights
and Freedoms as well as the previous Canadian Bill of Rights. The New Democratic Party (as the CCF became
known in 1962) went on to dominate the politics of Saskatchewan and form governments in British
Columbia, Manitoba, Ontario, and the Yukon Territory. Nationally the NDP would become very influential
during four minority governments, and is today by far Canada’s most successful left-wing
political party. In 2004 Canadians voted Tommy Douglas in as
The Greatest Canadian as part of a nationwide contest organized by the Canadian Broadcasting
Corporation (CBC).===Social democracy in government===
The social democratic governments in the post war period introduced measures of social reform
and wealth redistribution through state welfare and taxation policy. For instance the newly elected UK Labour government
carried out nationalisations of major utilities such as mines, gas, coal, electricity, rail,
iron and steel, and the Bank of England. France claimed to be the most state controlled
capitalist country in the world, carrying through many nationalisations. In the UK the National Health Service was
established bringing free health care to all for the first time. Social housing for working-class families
was provided in council housing estates and university education was made available for
working-class people through a grant system. However, the parliamentary leadership of the
social democracies in general had no intention of ending capitalism, and their national outlook
and their dedication to the maintenance of the post-war ‘order’ prevented the social
democracies from making any significant changes to the economy. They were termed ‘socialist’ by all in 1945,
but in the UK, for instance, where Social Democracy had a large majority in Parliament,
“The government had not the smallest intention of bringing in the ‘common ownership of the
means of production, distribution and exchange'” as written in Clause 4 of the Labour Party
constitution. In Germany, the Social Democratic Party of
Germany adopted the Godesberg Program in 1959, which rejected class struggle and Marxism. In the UK, cabinet minister Herbert Morrison
famously argued that, “Socialism is what the Labour government does”, and Anthony Crosland
argued that capitalism had been ended. However many socialists within the social
democracy, at rank and file level as well as in a minority in the leadership such as
Aneurin Bevan, feared the ‘return of the 1930s’ unless capitalism was ended, either directly
or over a definite period of time. They criticised the government for not going
further to take over the commanding heights of the economy. Bevan demanded that the “main streams of economic
activity are brought under public direction” with economic planning, and criticised the
Labour Party’s implementation of nationalisation for not empowering the workers in the nationalised
industries with democratic control over their operation. In the post war period, many Trotskyists expected
at first the pattern of financial instability and recession to return. Instead the capitalist world, now led by the
United States, embarked on a prolonged boom which lasted until 1973. Rising living standards across Europe and
North America alongside low unemployment, was achieved, in the view of the socialists,
by the efforts of trade union struggle, social reform by social democracy, and the ushering
in of what was termed a “mixed economy”.Social democracy at first took the view that they
had begun a “serious assault” on the five “Giant Evils” afflicting the working class,
identified for instance by the British social reformer William Beveridge: “Want, Disease,
Ignorance, Squalor, and Idleness”.At the same time, the wartime alliance between the Soviet
Union and the west broke down from 1946 onwards, and relations between the Communist parties
and the democratic socialist parties broke down in parallel. Once the Stalinists helped stabilize the capitalist
governments in the immediate upheavals of 1945, as per the agreements betweens Stalin,
Roosevelt, and Churchill, the capitalist politicians had no more use for them. The French, Italian and Belgian Communists
withdrew or were expelled from post-war coalition governments, and civil war broke out in Greece. The imposition of Stalinist regimes in Poland,
Hungary and Czechoslovakia not only destroyed the socialist parties in those countries,
it also produced a reaction against socialism in general. The Australian and New Zealand Labour governments
were defeated in 1949, and the British Labour government in 1951. As the Cold War deepened, conservative rule
in Britain, Germany and Italy became more strongly entrenched. Only in the Scandinavian countries and to
some extent in France did the socialist parties retain their positions. But in 1958 Charles de Gaulle seized power
in France and the French socialists (SFIO) found themselves cast into opposition. In the 1960s and 1970s the new social forces,
introduced, the social democrats argued, by their ‘mixed economy’ and their many reforms
of capitalism, began to change the political landscape in the western world. The long postwar boom and the rapid expansion
of higher education produced, as well as rising living standards for the industrial working
class, a mass university-educated white collar workforce, nevertheless began to break down
the old socialist-versus-conservative polarity of European politics. This new white-collar workforce, some claimed,
was less interested in traditional socialist policies such as state ownership and more
interested expanded personal freedom and liberal social policies. The proportion of women in the paid workforce
increased and many supported the struggle for equal pay, which, some argued, changed
both the composition and the political outlook of the working class. Some socialist parties reacted more flexibly
and successfully to these changes than others, but eventually the leaderships of all social
democracies in Europe moved to an explicitly pro-capitalist stance. Symbolically in the UK, the socialist clause,
Clause four, was removed from the Labour Party constitution, in 1995. A similar change took place in the German
SDP. However, particularly after the coming to
power of British Premier Margaret Thatcher in 1979 and US President Ronald Reagan in
1981, and the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, many social democratic party leaders were
won to the ideological offensive which argued that capitalism had “won” and that, in the
words of Francis Fukuyama’s essay, capitalism had reached “the end point of mankind’s ideological
evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human
government.”. Some parties reacted to these changes by engaging
in a new round of revisionist re-assessment of socialist ideology, and adopting a neo-liberal
outlook. Some critics argue that in practice the Social
Democratic parties, and the Labour Party in particular, can no longer be described as
socialist. On Prime Minister Tony Blair’s departure in
June 2007, left wing trade union leader Bob Crow, general secretary of the Rail, Maritime
and Transport workers union (RMT), argued that Blair will be remembered for “seamlessly
continuing the neo-liberal economic and social policies of Margaret Thatcher”.===Mass discontent and radicalization===
Another manifestation of this changing social landscape was the rise of mass discontent,
including the radical student movement, both in the United States – where it was driven
mainly by opposition to the Vietnam War, and in Europe. Aside from the Civil Rights Movement, in which
socialists participated, the anti-war movement was the first left-wing upsurge in the United
States since the 1930s, but neither there nor in Europe did the traditional parties
of the left lead the movement. In the mid-20th century some libertarian socialist
groups emerged from disagreements with Trotskyism which presented itself as leninist anti-stalinism. As such the French group Socialisme ou Barbarie
emerged from the Trotskyist Fourth International, where Castoriadis and Claude Lefort constituted
a Chaulieu–Montal Tendency in the French Parti Communiste Internationaliste in 1946. In 1948, they experienced their “final disenchantment
with Trotskyism”, leading them to break away to form Socialisme ou Barbarie, whose journal
began appearing in March 1949. Castoriadis later said of this period that
“the main audience of the group and of the journal was formed by groups of the old, radical
left: Bordigists, council communists, some anarchists and some offspring of the German
“left” of the 1920s”. Instead Trotskyist, Maoist and anarchist groups
arose. They became particularly influential in 1968,
when riots amounting almost to an insurrection broke out in Paris in May 1968. Between eight and ten million workers struck,
challenging the view becoming popular amongst socialists at the time that the working class
were no longer a force for change. There were also major disturbances such as
the 1968 Democratic National Convention protest activity in Chicago, the Columbia University
protests of 1968 in New York, the embryonic Red Army Faction in Berlin, and in other cities. In the short-term these movements provoked
a conservative backlash, seen in De Gaulle’s 1968 election victory and the election of
Richard Nixon in the United States. But in the 1970s, as particularly the far
left Trotskyist groups continued to grow, the socialist and Communist parties again
sought to channel people’s anger back into safe confines, as they did in 1945. The British Labour Party had already returned
to office under Harold Wilson in 1964, and in 1969 the German Social Democrats came to
power for the first time since the 1920s under Willy Brandt. In France François Mitterrand buried the
corpse of the old socialist party, the SFIO, and founded a new Socialist Party in 1971,
although it would take him a decade to lead it to power. Labour governments were elected in both Australia
and New Zealand in 1972, and the Austrian Socialists under Bruno Kreisky formed their
first post-war government in 1970. The emergence of the New Left in the 1950s
and 1960s led to a revival of interest in libertarian socialism. The New Left’s critique of the Old Left’s
authoritarianism was associated with a strong interest in personal liberty, autonomy (see
the thinking of Cornelius Castoriadis) and led to a rediscovery of older socialist traditions,
such as left communism, council communism, and the Industrial Workers of the World. The New Left also led to a revival of anarchism. Journals like Radical America and Black Mask
in America, Solidarity, Big Flame and Democracy & Nature, succeeded by The International Journal
of Inclusive Democracy, in the UK, introduced a range of left libertarian ideas to a new
generation. Social ecology, autonomism and, more recently,
participatory economics (parecon), and Inclusive Democracy emerged from this. The New Left in the United States also included
anarchist, countercultural and hippie-related radical groups such as the Yippies who were
led by Abbie Hoffman, The Diggers and Up Against the Wall Motherfuckers. By late 1966, the Diggers opened free stores
which simply gave away their stock, provided free food, distributed free drugs, gave away
money, organized free music concerts, and performed works of political art. The Diggers took their name from the original
English Diggers led by Gerrard Winstanley and sought to create a mini-society free of
money and capitalism. On the other hand, the Yippies employed theatrical
gestures, such as advancing a pig (“Pigasus the Immortal”) as a candidate for President
in 1968, to mock the social status quo. They have been described as a highly theatrical,
anti-authoritarian and anarchist youth movement of “symbolic politics”. Since they were well known for street theater
and politically themed pranks, many of the “old school” political left either ignored
or denounced them. According to ABC News, “The group was known
for street theater pranks and was once referred to as the ‘Groucho Marxists’.”Autonomist Marxism,
Neo-Marxism and Situationist theory are also regarded as being anti-authoritarian variants
of Marxism that are firmly within the libertarian socialist tradition. For libcom.org “In the 1980’s and 90’s, a
series of other groups developed, influenced also by much of the above work. The most notable are Kolinko, Kurasje and
Wildcat in Germany, Aufheben in England, Theorie Communiste in France, TPTG in Greece and Kamunist
Kranti in India. They are also connected to other groups in
other countries, merging autonomia, operaismo, Hegelian Marxism, the work of the JFT, Open
Marxism, the ICO, the Situationist International, anarchism and post-68 German Marxism.” Related to this were intellectuals who were
influenced by Italian left communist Amadeo Bordiga but who disagreed with his leninist
positions; these included the French publication Invariance edited by Jacques Camatte, published
since 1968, and Gilles Dauve who published Troploin with Karl Nesic. After the Stonewall Rebellion, the New York
Gay Liberation Front based their organization in part on a reading of Murray Bookchin’s
anarchist writings.”. In 1968 in Carrara, Italy the International
of Anarchist Federations was founded during an international anarchist conference held
there in 1968 by the three existing European federations of France, the Italian and the
Iberian Anarchist Federation as well as the Bulgarian federation in French exile. During the events of May 68 the anarchist
groups active in France were Fédération anarchiste, Mouvement communiste libertaire,
Union fédérale des anarchistes, Alliance ouvrière anarchiste, Union des groupes anarchistes
communistes, Noir et Rouge, Confédération nationale du travail, Union anarcho-syndicaliste,
Organisation révolutionnaire anarchiste, Cahiers socialistes libertaires, À contre-courant,
La Révolution prolétarienne, and the publications close to Émile Armand. The early 1970s were a particularly stormy
period for socialists, as capitalism had its first world wide slump of 1973-4, suffered
from rising oil prices, and a crisis in confidence. In southern Europe, for example, the Portuguese
Carnation Revolution of 1974 threatened the existence of capitalism for a while due to
the insurrection and the occupations which followed. A New York Times editorial on February 17,
1975, stated “a communist takeover of Portugal might encourage a similar trend in Italy and
France, create problems in Greece and Turkey, affect the succession in Spain and Yugoslavia
and send tremors throughout Western Europe.” The Greek military dictatorship fell in Greece,
PASOK arose at first with a strong socialist outlook, and in Spain, the Spanish State fell
in a period of rising struggle. In Italy there was continual unrest, and governments
fell almost annually. The Italian workers won and defended the “scala
mobile”, the sliding scale of wages linked to inflation. However, as before, neither the Communists
nor the social democracy had any plans to abolish capitalism, and the occupations in
Portugal, variously estimated to have taken between 70 – 90% of the economy, were gradually
rolled back. The UK saw a state of emergency and the three-day
week, with 22 million days lost in strike action in 1972, leading to the fall of the
Heath government. The Trotskyist Militant, an entryist group
active in the Labour Party, became the “fifth most important political party”in the UK for
a period in the mid-1980s, according to the journalist Michael Crick.In Indonesia within
the Indonesian killings of 1965–66 a right wing military regime killed between 300,000
and one million people mainly to cruch the growing influence of the Communist Party of
Indonesia and other leftist sectors In Latin America in the 1960s a socialist tendency
within the catholic church appeared which was called Liberation theology==
The Soviet Union and Eastern Europe (1945–1985)==Immediately after the Second World War, a
period known as the Cold War began. It represented a period of conflict, tension
and competition between the United States and the Soviet Union and their respective
allies. Throughout the period, the rivalry between
the two superpowers was played out in multiple arenas: military coalitions; ideology, psychology,
and espionage; military, industrial, and technological developments, including the space race; costly
defense spending; a massive conventional and nuclear arms race; and many proxy wars. The term “Cold War” was introduced in 1947
by Americans Bernard Baruch and Walter Lippmann to describe emerging tensions between the
two former wartime allies. There never was a direct military engagement
between the U.S. and the Soviet Union, but there was a half-century of military buildup,
and political battles for support around the world, including significant involvement of
allied and satellite nations. Although the U.S. and the Soviet Union had
been allied against Nazi Germany, the two sides differed on how to reconstruct the postwar
world even before the end of World War II. Over the following decades, the Cold War spread
outside Europe to every region of the world, as the U.S. sought the “containment” of communism
and forged numerous alliances to this end, particularly in Western Europe, the Middle
East, and Southeast Asia. In 1946, speaking at Westminster College in
Fulton, Missouri, former British prime minister Winston Churchill warned that, “From Stettin
in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the Continent.” In the months that followed, Josef Stalin
continued to solidify a Soviet sphere of influence in eastern Europe. For example, Bulgaria received its new Communist
premier, Georgi Dimitrov, in November 1946, a Communist government under Bolesław Bierut
had been established in Poland already in 1945, and by 1947, Hungary and Romania had
also come under full communist rule. The last democratic government in the eastern
bloc, Czechoslovakia, fell to a Communist coup in 1948, and in 1949 the Soviets raised
their occupation zone in Germany to become the German Democratic Republic under Walter
Ulbricht. To coordinate their new empire, the Soviets
established a number of international organizations, first the Cominform to coordinate the policies
of the various Communist parties, then the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON),
in 1948, to control economic planning, and finally (in response to the entry of the Federal
Republic of Germany into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization) the Warsaw Pact in 1955,
which served as a military alliance against the west. But one crack within that sphere of influence
emerged after 1948, when Marshal Josip Broz Tito became the president of Yugoslavia. Initial disagreement was over the level of
independence claimed by Tito as the only East European Communist ruler commanding a strong
domestic majority. Later the gap widened when Tito’s government
initiated a system of decentralized profit-sharing workers’ councils, in effect a self-governing,
somewhat market-oriented socialism, which Stalin considered dangerously revisionist. Stalin died in 1953. In the power struggle that followed Stalin’s
death, Nikita Khrushchev emerged triumphant. In 1956, at the 20th Congress of the Communist
Party of the Soviet Union, he denounced the “personality cult” that had surrounded Stalin
in a speech entitled On the Personality Cult and its Consequences. In the de-Stalinization campaign that followed,
all buildings and towns that had been named for him were renamed, pictures and statues
were destroyed. Although in some respects Khrushchev was a
reformer and allowed the emergence of a certain amount of intra-party dissent, his commitment
to reform was thrown into doubt with the brutal use of military force on the civilian population
of Hungary in 1956 during the Hungarian Revolution and the March 9 massacre in Tbilisi, 1956. By the late 1960s, the people of several eastern
bloc countries had become discontented with the human and economic costs of the Soviet
system, Czechoslovakia especially so. As a result of the growing discontent, the
Communist Party began to fear a popular uprising. They initiated reforms to attempt to save
the regime, but eventually relied on help from the Stalinists in Russia. In 1968, Alexander Dubček initiated what
is known as the Prague Spring, ending censorship of the press and decentralizing production
decisions, so that they were to be made not by central planners but by the workers and
managers of the factories. People were to be allowed to travel abroad. Brezhnev reacted by announcing and enforcing
what became known as the Brezhnev doctrine: When forces that are hostile to socialism
try to turn the development of some socialist country towards capitalism the suppression
of these counter-revolutionary forces becomes not only a problem of the country concerned,
but a common problem and concern of all socialist countries. In August 1968, pursuant to this announcement,
Soviet troops occupied Czechoslovakia. The following year, the Ukrainians responded
to a campaign of passive disobedience on the part of the Czech populace by arranging the
replacement of Dubček as first secretary. The new first secretary, Gustáv Husák, would
prove more compliant. He presided over a ‘cleansing’ of the Czech
Communist Party and the introduction of a new constitution. The early 1970s saw a period of détente. The arms race between the United States and
the Soviet Union slackened. Brezhnev worked with US President Richard
Nixon to negotiate and implement the Strategic Arms Limitations Treaty of 1972. Brezhnev also scored some diplomatic advances
with the non-aligned world, such as a 1971 friendship pact with India, and the close
relations the Soviet Union enjoyed with several Arab countries after Soviet material support
in the Yom Kippur War of 1973. After his death in 1982, Brezhnev was succeeded
by Yuri Andropov, who died in 1984, and then Konstantin Chernenko, who died in 1985. Andropov’s brief tenure as General Secretary
indicated that he might have had reformist plans, and though Chernenko put them aside,
Andropov had had time to groom a group of potential reformist successors, one of whom
was Mikhail Gorbachev. It was also during Andropov’s tenure and this
period of generational turmoil that the rule of Communists next door, in Poland, came under
challenge from Solidarność, or Solidarity, a labor union under the leadership of Lech
Wałęsa. The union was sufficiently threatening to
the government that on 13 December 1981, the head of state, Wojciech Jaruzelski declared
martial law, suspended the union, and imprisoned most of its leaders.==Final years for the Soviet Union (1985–1991)
==Mikhail Gorbachev (born 1931), who took control
in 1985, was the first Soviet leader to have been born after the October revolution. He is remembered for three initiatives: glasnost,
perestroika, and the “Frank Sinatra doctrine”. Glasnost, or “openness”, was Gorbachev’s term
for allowing public debate in the Soviet Union to an unprecedented degree. Perestroika was his term for market-oriented
economic reforms, in recognition of the stagnating effects of central planning. The “Frank Sinatra” doctrine was his reversal
of the Brezhnev doctrine. Sinatra sang “My Way”, and the doctrine named
for him was that each Warsaw Pact country could find its own “way” of doing things. Gorbachev also, in 1989, withdrew Soviet troops
from their engagement in Afghanistan, ten years after Brezhnev had sent them there. They had been fighting the anti-government
Mujahideen forces which since 1979 as part of its cold war strategy had been covertly
funded and trained by the United States government through the Pakistani secret service known
as Inter Services Intelligence (ISI). By August 1991, anti-reform Communists in
both the Party and the military were sufficiently desperate to attempt a military coup. Coup leaders called themselves the Committee
on the State of Emergency. They announced that Gorbachev had been removed
from his position as president due to illness. Although the coup rapidly collapsed and Gorbachev
returned to Moscow, it was Boris Yeltsin who had played a leading role in the street resistance
to that Committee, and the incident marked a shift of power away from Gorbachev toward
Yeltsin. By the end of that year, Yeltsin was the leader
of Russia, and the Soviet Union was no more.==China (1945–1965)==Through the Second World War, the Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) under the leadership of Mao Zedong and the Nationalist government
of Chiang Kai-shek lived in an uneasy truce in order to combat the common foe, the Japanese
occupation. Upon the Surrender of Japan, the Chinese Civil
War immediately resumed. Another truce, negotiated by American general
George C. Marshall early in 1946, collapsed after only three months. While war raged in China, two post-occupation
governments established themselves next door, in Korea. In 1948, Syngman Rhee was proclaimed president
of the Republic of Korea (South Korea), at Seoul, while the Communist Workers Party of
North Korea in the north proclaimed the establishment of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea
(North Korea). In January 1949, the Chinese Nationalist armies
suffered a devastating defeat by the Communists at Tientsin. By spring, Chiang Kai-shek, now losing whole
divisions by desertion to the Communists, began the removal of remaining forces to Formosa
(Taiwan). In August, U.S. aid to the Nationalists ended
due to Chiang’s regime, which was corruption. In October, Mao Zedong took office as the
Chairman of the Central People’s Administrative Council of the People’s Republic of China
in Beijing. Zhou Enlai was named premier and foreign minister
of the new state. The nascent People’s Republic did not yet
control all of the territory of the Republic of China. Mao declared it his goal in 1950 to “liberate”
Hainan, Tibet, and Formosa, and while he accomplished that of the first two, the third was interrupted:
On 25 June 1950, the forces of North Korea invaded the South unleashing the Korean War. The United States Seventh Fleet was summarily
dispatched to protect Formosa from a mainland Red Chinese invasion. Although Mao was apparently unenthusiastic
about that war, a Chinese volunteer force entered the Korean War in November. Claiming a victory against colonialism in
the Korean War stalemate, the Communist government in China settled down to the consolidation
of domestic power. During the 1950s, they redistributed land,
established the Anti-Rightist Movement, and attempted mass industrialization, with technical
assistance from the Soviet Union. By the mid-1950s, after an armistice in Korea
and the surrender of French forces in Indochina, China’s borders were secure. Mao’s internal power base was likewise secured
by the imprisonment of those he called “left-wing oppositionists”. As the 1950s ended, Mao became discontented
with the status quo. On the one hand, he saw the Soviet Union attempting
“peaceful co-existence” with the imperialist Western powers of NATO, and he believed China
could be the center of worldwide revolution only by breaking with Moscow. (Mao viewed then-Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev
as a revisionist [i.e. not a true Communist] and a traitor to socialism.) On the other hand, he was dissatisfied with
the economic consequences of the revolution thus far, and believed the country had to
enter into a program of planned rapid industrialization known as the Great Leap Forward. The economic planning of the Great Leap period
focused on steel – because steel was considered emblematic of industry. The government arranged to have small backyard
steel furnaces built in communes, in the hope that the mobilization of the entire populace
would compensate for the absence of the usual economies of scale. During this period, Mao stepped down as head
of state in favor of Liu Shaoqi, but Mao remained Chairman of the Communist Party of China. The rushed program of industrialization was
a disaster. It diverted labor and resources from agriculture
to marginally productive cottage industry and so contributed to years of famine. It also caused a loss of Mao’s influence upon
the Communist Party and government apparatus. Modernizers such as Liu and Deng Xiaoping
sought to relegate him to the status of figurehead. Mao was not ready to be a figurehead. In the early 1960s he gathered around himself
the so-called “Shanghai Mafia” consisting of his fourth wife, Jiang Qing (a.k.a. “Madame
Mao”), as well as Lin Biao, Chen Boda, and Yao Wenyuan, unleashing the Cultural Revolution. In the People’s Republic of China (PRC) since
1967, the terms Ultra-Left and left communist refers to political theory and practice self-defined
as further “left” than that of the central Maoist leaders at the height of the GPCR (“Great
Proletarian Cultural Revolution”). The terms are also used retroactively to describe
some early 20th century Chinese anarchist orientations. As a slur, the Communist Party of China (CPC)
has used the term “ultra-left” more broadly to denounce any orientation it considers further
“left” than the party line. According to the latter usage, in 1978 the
CPC Central Committee denounced as “ultra-left” the line of Mao Zedong from 1956 until his
death in 1976. “Ultra-Left” refers to those GPCR rebel positions
that diverged from the central Maoist line by identifying an antagonistic contradiction
between the CPC-PRC party-state itself and the masses of workers and “peasants” conceived
as a single proletarian class divorced from any meaningful control over production or
distribution. Whereas the central Maoist line maintained
that the masses controlled the means of production through the Party’s mediation, the Ultra-Left
argued that the objective interests of bureaucrats were structurally determined by the centralist
state-form in direct opposition to the objective interests of the masses, regardless of however
“red” a given bureaucrat’s “thought” might be. Whereas the central Maoist leaders encouraged
the masses to criticize reactionary “ideas” and “habits” among the alleged 5% of bad cadres,
giving them a chance to “turn over a new leaf” after they had undergone “thought reform,”
the Ultra-Left argued that “cultural revolution” had to give way to “political revolution”
– “in which one class overthrows another class”.==Socialism in China since the Cultural Revolution
==In 1965, Wenyuan wrote a thinly veiled attack
on the deputy mayor of Beijing, Wu Han. Over the six months that followed, on behalf
of ideological purity, Mao and his supporters purged many public figures, Liu Shao-chi among
them. By the middle of 1966, Mao had not only put
himself back into the center of things, he had initiated what is known as the Cultural
Revolution, a mass (and army-supported) action against the Communist Party apparatus itself
on behalf of a renovated conception of Communism. Chaos continued throughout China for three
years, particularly due to the agitations of the Red Guards until the CCP’s ninth congress
in 1969, when Lin Biao emerged as the primary military figure, and the presumptive heir
to Mao in the party. In the months that followed, Lin Biao restored
domestic order, while diplomatic efforts by Zhou Enlai cooled border tensions with the
Soviet Union. Lin Biao died under mysterious circumstances
in 1971. Mao’s final years saw a notable thaw in the
People’s Republic’s relations with the United States, the period of “Ping Pong Diplomacy”. Mao died in 1976, and almost immediately his
ideological heirs, the Gang of Four lost a power struggle to more “pragmatic” figures
such as Deng Xiaoping. The term “pragmatic” is often used in media
accounts of these factional struggles but should not be confused with the philosophy
of pragmatism proper. Deng launched the “Beijing Spring”, allowing
open criticism of the excesses and suffering that had occurred during the Cultural Revolution
period. He also eliminated the class-background system,
under which the communist regime had limited employment opportunities available to people
deemed associated with the pre-revolutionary landlord class. Although Deng’s only official title in the
early 1980s was chairman of the central military commission of the CP, he was widely regarded
as the central figure in the nation’s politics. In that period, Zhao Ziyang became premier
and Hu Yaobang became head of the party. Near the end of that decade, the death of
Hu Yaobang sparked a mass demonstration of mourning students in Tiananmen Square, Beijing. The mourning soon turned into a call for greater
responsiveness and liberalization, and the demonstration was captured live on cameras
to be broadcast around the world. On May 30, 1989 students erected the “Goddess
of Democracy” statue, which looked a bit like Lady Liberty in New York harbor. On 4 June 1989 under the orders of Deng Xiaoping,
troops and tanks of the People’s Liberation Army ended the protest. Thousands were killed in the resultant massacre. By the start of the 21st century, though,
the leadership of China was embarked upon a program of market-based reform that was
more sweeping than had been Soviet leader Gorbachev’s perestroika program of the late
1980s, which is tracable to Deng’s Socialism with Chinese characteristics. It is in this context that Leo Melamed, chairman
emeritus and senior policy adviser to the Chicago Mercantile Exchange, spoke to the
2003 Beijing Forum on China and East Asian Prospects of Financial Cooperation on September
23. He said that the CME applauds the National
People’s Congress for recognizing their country’s need for additional trading in futures contracts.==21st century democratic socialism in Latin
America==Since the 1998 election of Hugo Chávez as
President in Venezuela and the beginnings of his “Bolivarian Revolution” aimed at creating
greater equality, Latin American nations have seen a tide of democratically elected socialist
and centre-left governments emerge. They have been elected in increasing numbers
as the poor and middle classes of many countries have become increasingly disillusioned with
the neoliberal economic policies still encouraged by the United States and as a very large gap
continues to exist between rich and poor, denying millions of people basic opportunities
and necessities. A long and very controversial history of U.S.
military and political intervention in the region dating back to the 19th century has
severely tarnished the image of the United States in the eyes of many Latin Americans
and shapes governments’ policies to this day. A recent example of the influence of the aforementioned
sentiment was the Latin American and Caribbean Congress in Solidarity with Puerto Rico’s
Independence, an international summit held at Panama City, Panama, in which fifteen incumbent
political parties (in government) requested that the United States “relinquish its colonial
rule over said island-nation and recognize Puerto Rico’s independence”. Chavez is joined by the democratic socialist
president of Bolivia, Evo Morales (that nation’s first indigenous leader), who has adopted
strong reformist agendas and attracted overwhelming majority electoral victories. The democratically elected president of Ecuador,
Rafael Correa is also an ally of Chavez. Correa describes himself as a humanist, Christian
of the left and proponent of socialism of the 21st century. A number of centre-left/social democratic
presidents have also come to power in Latin American countries recently promising a greater
redistribution of wealth within the framework of the free market. They include Cristina Fernández de Kirchner
of Argentina, Lula da Silva of Brazil, Michelle Bachelet of Chile, Tabaré Vázquez of Uruguay,
Alan García of Peru, Álvaro Colom in Guatemala and Fernando Lugo of Paraguay. The majority of these governments are still
enjoying high approval ratings in their nation’s public opinion polls. In Nicaragua’s 2006 elections the former Sandinista
President Daniel Ortega was re-elected President after having been out of office since 1990. In Colombia’s previous presidential elections,
Carlos Gaviria Díaz of the socialist Alternative Democratic Pole came in second place to Álvaro
Uribe of Colombia First, a conservative party. While in Peru’s previous presidential election
Alan García’s main challenger was Ollanta Humala of the Union for Peru, a leftwing Peruvian
nationalist with close ties to Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez. The results of the 2006 Peruvian election
were close. In El Salvador, the FMLN a former left-wing
guerrilla group which once fought against a military dictatorship is now the official
opposition to the Salvadoran government. Other parts of the developing world have also
seen a rise in radical socialist parties and movements. In Nepal following the end of the Civil War,
the formerly militant Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and the more moderate Communist Party
of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) have emerged as the two most powerful opposition parties
in the country. In Nepal’s 2008 Constituent Assembly elections
the Maoists emerged as the largest party allowing them to form an interim government. Their leader, Prachanda has vowed to respect
multiparty democracy. In some of the poorest parts of India, the
Communist Party of India (Maoist) has also been fighting a violent insurgency against
the Indian government; a similar rebellion is being waged by the Maoist, New People’s
Army in the Philippines.==The emergence of a New Left in the developed
world==In many developed nations the rise of Third
Way policies and the increase in capitalism and free-market economies has led to the rise
of many new socialist parties. They include Sinn Féin in the Republic of
Ireland and Northern Ireland (they also represent the Nationalist constituency of Northern Ireland),
The Left of Germany, Syriza in Greece, Podemos in Spain, Left Party of Sweden, New Zealand
Progressive Party, Socialist Party of Ireland, Socialist Party of the Netherlands, Respect
Party of the United Kingdom, Scottish Socialist Party and Québec solidaire in the Canadian
province of Quebec.==See also==
Anarcho-syndicalism Anti-communism
Conservatism Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel
History of the Left in France History of socialism in Great Britain
History of Socialism in Canada Leninism
Libertarian socialism List of democratic socialist parties and organizations
Neosocialism Post-Communism
Right-wing socialism Socialism
Socialism in the United States Utopian socialism
Welfare State==
Notes and references====Further reading==
Laidler, Harry W. History of Socialism (1968). 970pp
Lamb, Peter. Historical dictionary of socialism (Rowman
& Littlefield, 2015). James Chris Weinstein, Long Detour: The History
and Future of the American Left, Westview Press, 2003, hardcover, 272 pages, ISBN 0-8133-4104-3
Leo Panitch, Renewing Socialism: Democracy, Strategy, and Imagination, ISBN 0-8133-9821-5===Primary sources===
Walling, William English, et al. eds. The socialism of to-day; a source-book of
the present position and recent development of the socialist and labor parties in all
countries (1916) 676pp online==
External links==Libertarian Communist Library Archive
libcom.org peoples history

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