Anarchism, Syndicalism and The Amsterdam Congress of 1907 with Anthony Zurbrugg and Carl Levi

it happened in several smaller venues it was so successful in the oceans that organized that I'd say I mean why would that boys I said I've got to do something and they picked it up he said it was like and since it's a sort of dupe on this years and that's good to start the thirty-first of me and it's going to end in the second of June and I want to do so I missing here Scott with their deadline for anybody want to do anything that it is going to be unnamed at first so if you get any ideas get going as quick as possible is this in most addresses or district entities it's a special and there's also boast is also our Facebook page plus handle flip a Twitter account for it as well and what can I see well got two bitches yeah I'm Ventus I'm just going to see another few things on it tony has didn't talk to me is a website we also as whose stock of all the stuff really the back of the shop so it's lighted sick now as well this is part of a series of a series of the first speaker for that 820 state history Bernanke plus do several things so there's an essential pretty good there's a lot of good data that people can pick up on him and it's it's entitled Uncas prospectors and peace and more from 1900 to 1918 his second edition is going to be covering the they made the nineteen twenties so do keep names were secretive that comes out I think come living professor these sorts of things in this point he's got to know he's going to be dinner table his way to the winners suit simply open up over a few months ago and said portly fine hybrid come on cuz it's heavy-duty stuff but there is an interesting stuff one on and but I'm sure several places only can do much placing in the second book they look at our library yeah exactly it's a the second book the book these could connect me press anything I'm kissed imagination and I saw me on this one and when second and that's why you wear dresses because of mr. Caesar got any nice once I saw a good survey money boots is dr. David Bruton she's gonna be done to talk back but I take a call FEMA cities and then she's been and thank you for having me so does this book have any relevance to the present or the future maybe if one travels back in time to the 1900s many people were saying we can keep our economy going and do it better than capitalism with you these providing a matrix or cooperatives and collectives running industry and businesses so BAPS this is a message that still resonates today one of the main episodes in this book is the concerns the amicus Congress that took place in 1907 in Amsterdam it was a singular event before the First World War it brought together Anika's san revolutionary socialists the orientation of german social democracy which resumed the evening force in international movement unions and parties that repelled many activists from those organizations so much of the force of syndicalism came from that movement and became a sympathetic to magnetism critics focused on the failure of German social democracy to organize against militarism the militarism of the then German state and against the illusion that it would fall apart and were repelled by the idea that they would become passively the leading force through a German parliamentary system several activists have been expelled from the German Social Democratic Party and came to Amsterdam one of these was dr. freda berg of the print association of german labor unions the f b DG the unions aligned with the Social Democrats obeyed government rules that bound discussion of politics in national German unions the DG unions however frequently designated as loyalists dr. Friedberg presented critical views of German social democracy and sponsored the resolution that criticized their concept of a general strike to widen the electoral franchise a man from Rome checked show really representing the Argentinian the regional Federation Glaber the fora also commented that although his Federation was working for libertarian communism rather than state-run nationalized socialism many former members still had electoral illusions one of the Dutch organizers of the Congress Christian con Edison remarked in some countries including the Netherlands the UK the USA and Switzerland there were political problems within the labor movement that gave rise to more radical labor organizations he mentioned the exclusion of Japanese workers from the American Federation of Labor in the u.s. there was considerable anti-japanese prejudice but this was resisted by the IWW the Wobblies Industrial Workers of the world the world believes accepted kalenna some also remarked that in the Netherlands and Switzerland unions obstructed women from becoming typographers Emma Goldman was one of the very few women who were present one of the largest speeches one of the longest speech isn't that the Congress was from p.m. on at a very young member of the French general Confederation of labour the CGT the CGT has recently adopted a Charter the Charter of panel we set out that the leading that in the leading labor in leading labour that CGT was sufficient unto itself the CGT embraced the politics of anti-militarism and the politics of direct action which included strikes boycotts and sabotage but disputes over electoral politics was something that was not wanted in the CGT two years later the two CGT members annual Patou and mu j wrote a book on how they imagined a revolution might break out so this book we shall bring out a revolution was published around about 1907 another CGT activist or Ebert Oh have written a soldier's manuals protects the challenged nationalism patriotism this was a book designed to support young men forced to join the French army it was translated into Spanish and circulated in Spain and in Latin America it was probably the inspiration for a similar work as soldiers breather II which was circulated by German libertarians so some political ideas and campaigns were articulated within the CGT nevertheless p.m. on up insisted that the strength of the city Lane it's direct action and it's developed and febrile of federal unity in the fact that in every age trade or industry and for each town or region there wasn't one Federation organizing labor the CDT strives to build solidarity and some solidarity even beyond the workplace and it was seen as the force energizing change while disputes over electoral or amicus politics might weaken the movement so in this view of politics the strength and energy of the CGT lay in its comprehensiveness and in its unity care no matter spoke for political neutrality in this sense he hoped that the CDT was moving forward and will embrace a wider range of politics and become a leading force in French society but it might but one might say that it was a moot point as to what politics was wanted and what was not wanted a reply to this rather long speech was made by Erica Errico Malatesta an abacus veteran who had attended libertarian congresses for over 30 years he noted that the points made he noted the points made by con Edison that Labour contained a variety of influences that it contained both roses and the thorns so to speak he made a characteristic comment that everyday workplace organization one might say workplace in Nick ISM was a fact but the theory of what we might call syndicalism as an ideology was not effect and he opposed syndicalism as an ideology Erico Malatesta doubted the idea that CGT syndicalism as portrayed by man that had such false and preparation as change he thought there's an isolated general strike would not work in any case somebody had to be kept going perhaps new norms and priorities he expected that a strike would not remain peaceful that the government would try to use force and that maybe we prepare must prepare and have catapults ready but Malatesta then political will and determination and other preparations were needed in addition to those made with in workplace unions and these might be best managed through some structure other than the union or syndicate and ideas based organization or amicus Federation the Congress agreed a resolution that defines syndicates as organizations of class struggle working for improvements of conditions that also as producers unions which were to serve to help transform capitalism society so these then are some of the ideas and themes that emerged in Amsterdam they were not magic for formulas or easy solutions to every social ill but they encapsulated libertarians hopes and perspectives at a time when there was considerable considerable optimism subsequent events would test these ideas within ten years a new and large syndicates federations emerged in Italy in Spain the comprehensive radical syndicalism that existed in France was split by the articulate antagonisms that emerged in 1914 in 1915 in Argentina the regional Federation that embrace syndicalism split with some cyclists remaining somewhat neutral and others determined to assert an identity in each of these cases the comprehensive syndicalism that had advocated was somewhat fractured various forms of revolutionary radicals syndicalism emerge these things Federation Confederations promoted liberated excuse me labor Confederations promoted libertarian ideas and they were enhanced by new and challenged by new ideas based organizations that is to say new managers Federation's in the period before the first world war so there was very little time to consider what the relationship might be between on the one hand workplace organizations and on the other hand ideas based organizations so in the future [Applause] – and he came out of the background of the Italian national generation afterwards really disenchanted left-wing the left-wing of it you might say which became Italian anarchism of the 1870s and these people try to actually mount a series of instant social interactions based on land reform in some ways foreshadowing guevara in some way the focus going up in the mountains establishing liberated zones and and going on from there which is not completely incredible in Italy given the fact that the entire south collapsed by the invasion of 1005 people that has got of all these with the help of the British Navy I must say but that's another story bang-won power against another but after that once he went into exile and he was in exile for most of his life most active adult life from the 1880s but he was more or less in exile the world he started developed this idea of you know looking at the working class as opposed to peasant revolution and he wasn't a worker I mean a Brian Morris in a recently kind of embarrassing exchange with John Clark and Annika's studies have been involved in called him a working-class bloke but he wasn't the working-class bloke he came from the kind of southern middle classes his parents owned a tannery he has brother in medical school the University of Naples so that's pretty high up in Italy and they dropped out and he you know he clasped himself like populist didn't it their optics and in Russia and he learned the trade he learned the trade of electrician which was like a kind of you know being learning would be a computer program or a coder in nineteen sixty because II to be a 1870s and and the gas fitter so he did work as a working-class person but he wasn't from a working-class background to begin with get a much higher level of education that most working less people would have to begin with so to speak and then he was a journalist in all these famous newspapers and of course he was worried that this would become a career in itself and that's why he also wanted to work with his hands yeah that's a firm idea that here you want to previous a legion of X workers and intellectuals so he was one of the first people actually introduced the concept of syndicalism although he didn't believe in as an ideology in the 89 he lived in London by the way for almost 30 years on it all from the 1880s to nineteen 19:19 and he you know he when he was in london the 1890s on and off many french on occurs came here because of the fact that if leave France because of the repression of anarchism in France with with the terrorism which he opposed and that's when he converted so to speak many of the people that became the league players and it's French anarchism ta and many others and what inspired him was actually British trade unionism so this is an example he saw the general strike of Dockers in this in London which more or less brought London to a halt and therefore halted one of the nerve centers in the British Empire as an example of what you know is a good form of trade unionism a kind of unionism of the unskilled and semi-skilled and so he said this is what we have to do you know these interactions completely work we have to go back and organize within unions but by the 20 20th century as you said he thought of taking on the life of its own you know his he didn't believe it as an end in itself he said that any organization could create an elite so you can this is like what we hear from occupying on with the under circulation of people otherwise you have a leadership being created he said if you are going to join a trade union know what you should fight for and ginger groups is limited pay for the leadership rotation of leadership grassroots democracy which has been used by many different movements over the last hundred years of John openly anarchist and he also and by the way he lived in Islington so he lived up for most of the time up in Upper Street and he had a workshop in Duncan Paris which is called of caddy Connor to where Boris Johnson now lives so that used to be a you know famous slum Islington and you know of course if this is if is if he had kept it and getting carry on he's great-great-great-grandchildren be extremely wealthy but anyway I don't think even only this Rancic round but nevertheless he was you know he had his workshop there and he was involved in bits of the British trade union movement he was involved in various things and afraid I'm just cutting this short does give you examples for instance he was involved in a movement of waiters who were Germans Italians and French usually familiar if we think about who works in restaurants these days who had a hierarchy and in some ways the troops are under talking so and so forth but they had a system and you see the suspect where they the the tips that were they call him sounds very familiar their tips and salad were collected by the by the the owners of the restaurants and they he worked with this caterers Union to you know stop this abuse which of course you know was done here a few years ago security is kind of weird parallel there he also of course was very acutely aware of the division of the working class and and the poor between very different different levels that is to say being an Italian he was very aware of the Italian working class and going to Argentina and the United States and being treated terribly at this point and understood that quite well having traveled there as well in New Jersey and in London what he did was he very friendly with Rudolf rocker who was a Gentile German anarchist from your Granicus who lives in the East End who became the leader of the Yiddish speaking anarchists I mean he wasn't he was a Catholic from the Rhineland and he learned Yiddish it was a very difficult young German and by the way I mean Emma Goldman you know that's where all these Jewish anarchist in New York around Johan lost you know because of the German first language was German and Russian English and so anyway he was very close to those people and they organized a massive fairly massive trade union organization in the East and at least for a few years of the Jewish tailors of the East End now he knew the Italian fellers of the West End who were higher up the pecking order they would bespoke tailors in the West End so there was a famous strike in the East End of these Jewish shells led by rocker and others and he got the tailors in the West End to exercise a form of solidarity so that's another example of something which is quite familiar today I think in some ways and and the and the third thing was his worry about this kind of a political Jing dualism which he observed when he was living in London at the ball during the Boer War and and also we went to United States during the spanish-american war it wasn't happening at the same time because then he then he saw it enabled you know a few years later during the Libyan war and then the rise of fascism so he saw that there was an attraction for some workers those extreme forms of national and he wrote about that as well as I think is quite relevant today with accident and all the rest of it so he's a my finish here was basically and I think you said that already by the way he was a friend of Tom Mann and George Lansbury knew all these people who turned nineteen ten twelve fourteen when he was almost aborted they stopped it because they know they'd be undergoing the reasons why it was important but something to do with the siege of Sydney Street which you may have heard of in any case two things two more connections I think are relevant with Tom Mann he endorsed what Tom manacle was the Industrial syndicate education league which was the idea they don't separate you don't create separate syndicalist unions because engines divided organization it's easier for text each other he said as I said these organizations should be within any trade union and promoting his libertarian and rotation of leadership low salaries for leaders reasonable demands that don't get you tied up with militarism and things like that he really kind of objected the fact that the the Italian syndicalist organized people who are manufacturing cannons I mean that was one think it wasn't particularly happy with so the ends and means were important he opposed the Sinda Callista said that women should leave who would to lentil telephonist and to locks and thank workers during the first world war and men were fighting and then the another one of their jobs back and he wrote an interesting article about about that so in any case that was that was this connection with with Tom Mann the other thing I final finishing with is this weird connection with not directly but indirectly with hillo Bella in the saga but a servile state which was on you before the First World War and this you know that vector the right-wing left wing libertarians but nevertheless he could see the Audion he really does foreshadow ideas of the 1960s and 70s the idea of a corporate welfare state buying off a section of the working class against them the poor and maybe an America people of a different color and that's what he argued about there he used that he turned this argument around to something which the American and other knew Lex talked about in the 60s and 70s and the cons I guess has been returned now but the important point about him finally is that he didn't wanted this restrict trade union organization to organize skilled workers and in the era today when the composition of the working class and people who work is so diverse you know I think some of his ideas are quite relevant today because he didn't he didn't emphasize this idea of this one class of people you look at he understood finally he understood for instance during the rise to fascism he warned and this is brexit and he warned at that point the Italian Socialist Party in 1919 1920 which was extremely left-wing at least in rhetoric wanted to socialize all the land of the large landowners around Bologna and elsewhere because they have giant trade unions we really immense trade means of landless laborers and they said that these all should be socialized and he warned that the only thing you going to do with that if you say instant socialization of the land that you'll alienate all these small peasants who live in the same area and he said this was so so a whirlwind and he was quite right because the origins the really orange some Italian fascism was not from the cities but in the Po Valley among this war between the poor basically the poor and they need a slightly poorer which of course to fascism fascists used to their own advantage so I'm thinking of course today with the struggle over brexit in a certain sense is the same same problem elements people oh poor and poor are fighting over you no fighting over this illusion about brexit would you just depend of the illusionary battle so in that sense I suppose he's still relevant I guess I could figure out some other he also says in contrast but all organizer all labor organizations robert michels the theory of the oligarchy that's why I'm saying that you know this is actually what all this you know all these arguments around occupier or with David Graeber talks about all this stuff he was talking about it then you know the idea of how do you you know the elder the true anarchism is small a anarchism which promotes a form of grassroots democracy to make it most important form of anarchism isn't anarchism with the capital a even the ideology of anarchism but you know that Anna is who are law J anarchists issue promote slowly anarchists anarchism you know in certain movements that look like they're very reactionary can turn the other way I mean if we look at the yellow vests in in France on the one hand that I think sometimes I think they shouldn't be yellow breath I'm guys but brown or black vest be honest with you but at the other hand I can see what I saw the trade unions and others like we're engaging with them is what you have to do exactly the mountain what Malatesta said in 1919 you know that you have to engage with people's worries if you know they're they're actually from the same background and there have to be a slightly higher but you know certainly not people with immense well for power over good life chances so you cannot be sectarian about it it's a very difficult balancing act to set to say the least but I interesting to see what he said about those things he was a lot well no it has to do but anyway yeah so small things small small small a anarchism is what he tried to promote you know this is why Colin Ward would talk about spontaneous I will be back in for that matter there's always this time there's a push you're right when he he did one he had his own anarchist organ and he promoted an anarchist socialist organization in the 1890s and then in between nineteen in 1314 and then when he came back finally in 1999 he did do that but it was always there was always a tension between that and saying let's look at this sociological view what's happening on the people and I could raid read books how are they performing I remember Malatesta some writing you know people need to be active for themselves without waiting for any organization to tell them what to do but he also yeah I think that that's right I mean in the same question the same way that something entirely different somebody actually disagreed with William Morris they're the same thing as I'm making socialists he would say making anarchists but that wouldn't mean like Mars who gave thousands of speeches you know he wasn't sectarian about that you know any and he wasn't actually doing it as a way you know in a kind of opportunist way dr. Whitten people over you know to see his he didn't mind he's been dumb people enjoying the anarchist movement he doesn't go out there with the he thought that anarchism was a manifestation manifestation of certain activities by social movements you know that was just do it yes yeah well this is not what he did for instance I read week we mushroomed into a near revolution which lead Italy in half for about a week that people behind that were yes the honor cuz the cynical and Republicans left wing Republicans who wanted an institutional change to a republic not to not to the South boring modern people so he was well compared to organize on that level and I again it's back to this tradition of the resort you mentor that you have a you know this idea of actually overturning regimes is not alien concept in Italy there's a lifetime so yeah of course that that's a 19th century European thing establishing secret organizations you know I you know I he he I think he was realistic enough to realize that especially in a place like Italy enough anarchists to do it see he certainly did have to and also at certain points in his life and he also Nevers understood this revolution as an anarchist revolution ie that he seized power and established anarchy when he said as you seek you have to form a coalition with other parties of the left and form a post revolutionary regime and will be a kind of like loyal opposition or something like that in a way that lots of Spanish Anika's felt in 1936 I mean there's a that was what leads to problems and all the rest of it but that's the way he's he's he's tactically and strategically very interesting in that respect so pushes from you knew that will be a talk I really need their venue for somewhere else also a discussion today it's been recorded a video aired by sewing over there soon he's doing it entirely by so thanks so very much for that so if you don't want your questions recorded please Lucy we just cut the conversation I guess I would answer it this way that's the most effective I mean the problem is they've been very quick very effective movements have come out of nowhere anxieties which are then taken over by people who do keep in hierarchy so you can start with the Russian Revolution itself which was not organized by Bolsheviks it was organized by women and soldiers basically who created from Soviets and counsels against male anarchism when it came down to it now of course why it developed in something else another story more interesting I suppose in the 50th anniversary of of 1968 you know the Paris movement is a very good example of a movement which no one could have predicted I mean six weeks before I mean at the beginning of 1968 Livan famously said Paris France is boring nothing you know with the goal now the end of Algeria you know with this boring people and you know out of nowhere this movement of 10 million people occupying and all the petrol ran out it was the goal went off 2,000 boggling to make sure the army wasn't so I had to release all these OAS people we try to kill him because he wanted to make sure the only would stay on this side so that's an example you know that really blew a hole in either Marxist or functionalist socio sociologist conceptions of revolution I mean without that kind of spontaneous wave which happens every 50 years or something then taking advantage of by other people maybe not taken maybe you think it's a good thing whatever it wouldn't have happened so the phenomena of revolution in the world in many cases not always but certainly in these cases is based on a non form of spontaneity but unpredictability you know you you know these hierarchical people who predict we're gonna do this and do that that's work sometimes it works but you know these are examples of cases where it weird and then occupy and the Arab Spring of course what happened afterwards we know it didn't last men you know then they should have created this and that but the point is it wouldn't it wouldn't even an opportunity for it to create anything if they didn't have these spontaneous mass movements who create their own logic which actually lots of sociologists and historians are not quite interested in you know even if they don't you know they realized there's something there how they can explain these things understanding and that of course is something that melon movements appear reactionary veteran revolutionary overnight like the example you always like to talk about the French Revolution with it going out and praise going talking about the king to help them against the starving then turning around and you know starting a revolution my favorite we need to be ready so maybe that's a form of leadership or organization maybe it's a form of collective leadership of self-managed leadership or something manage preparation yeah that's true I mean certainly you know if you look at the network of people he knew abroad and in Italy they were preparing for these things but he was preparing and on the basis that it shouldn't be monopolized the one course yeah and that actually do should encourages from a spontaneous you know non-sectarian form of action now the problem of course and he realized that at the end of his life was that if he's going to call himself an anarchist then there is no there is no way you could create you know if you're in a society which is you know still have scarcity or still has to fight somebody else or whatever it is ultimately it's not going to be anarchism it's going to be a form of very libertarian socialism whatever you want to call it and that's why he always said that after you know we're not you know 1919-20 didn't say the anna are gonna make a revolution italy they're going to support those elements and other parties that want to and make sure that whatever they create afterwards will not be tutorial and will be so you know maybe that happened so maybe the knowledge that needs to be produced is the knowledge of how to resist recuperation and resist cooperation into a capitalist state oh you know how to prevent being oppressed and I'm just wondering if this boy yeah he did but I think more to the point with some electric parking and more recently calling water in us that's that's what they were talking about that you know actually you know and sometimes Malatesta would criticize for partner for being too naive to scientistic our work is based on this mutual aid related systems biology and in human society and that is the fund and altruism to is the other thing he talked about and those are the fundamental basis for any kind of conscious libertarian socialist their honor whose society but he says people do it without realizing what they're doing and then he gives you examples of it and that's what Colin was it who is lifeless education would venture playground now of course that's why I think we are right the Mel test whatever exactly naive here that there's a bit more to do here them then just identify spontaneous forces that's why you disagree with Kropotkin yeah again one of my favorite quotes from Malatesta concerns ideas of leadership and this takes us actually into the 1920s where he's responding to the ideas which are contained in the platform that and their colleagues the organizational and he he argues that you cannot have a leadership that dictates but you can have a leadership that educates or the tries to draw people's experience to educate themselves to learn from your own experience so he he does when he talks about socialist he says groups of friends should talk and decide amongst themselves how to act now this isn't quite the same as the concept of how you organize collective and participated politics it's actually and also said there was great criticism of these social socialists when he came to the crunch both the simplest in the structure of a factor I know this the most skilled workers in there before the war were exempt right the ones were released and they were men and they over the women got skilled up to a certain level but not to the very top these men were exempt from the war you know unless they became you know too radically then that was the way of you know disciplining them did you say too much well you know you exemption and you automatically get constricted which is what happens in Italy for the fact that scented punishment Italians are you shoved up the out first to be sure to be shot basically funded by the Austrians so that's so there were men in the factory who were directing these women who did all the kind of middle level and lower level work the top still remain men you know so that that's so that wasn't the thing about I think it is interesting with these you know telegraphers and telephonist which later on of course did become a hardly of the Taliban has been highly feminized compassion in many countries but this was something which Malatesta wrote an article about which other was amazing in about 1920 where and some of those people in these unions are actually on the left and pity close to a nervous was indica list and he said no you're wrong you know this is not what we're talking about you know you know I disagree with this entirely along with these people the factory of manufacturing cannons that was the other so that's the way it worked I mean they weren't they we still though still people are still there and and at the end of the war you know there was a mass campaign in most countries to allow these men to go back what was their jobs as they would put it and and women were forced out of the factory through legislation and other yeah I'm not saying they weren't I mean the ones that well it's a complicated business because skilling changed in the first will role to some extent is they want to have mass production so the most skilled people were men they weren't women but the middle level semi skilled people will women and they mixed with young young boys you know actually became very radicalized they people can become very radicalize yeah by legislation or through other means in most in all countries in Europe and the United States yeah I mean earlier the CDT actually trying to exclude yeah so responding to your question about syndicalism yeah there's a probably same because personally I like to think of syndicalism as a family not as a tendency so there are different forms of syndicalism in different countries with different experiences and there is also evolution there's a difference between ideas theoretically the practice equality in many of the textile workers the organization so there is evolution there is the different types of priority yeah the CGT that somebody like Malatesta you know being not being a Marxist – I think it was more sensitive although not completely sensitive to the motivations of people being divided further further reasons and and he certainly understood the influence of nationalism and racism and so that's what I was talking about in terms of Italy he's just talking about the fact that it's like a war amongst the poor I mean that you have people who have discs off their land small peasants thought their land because because of because of the First World War because of the inflationary spiral they were able to get their land and they had a little piece of land and then you have these vast amounts of people only employed six months a year landless laborers who had told that we're going to national who are going to socialized everything they don't even love of India but these small little patches of land and so those people who were mobilised in the fascist squads that actually did the violence that destroyed this whole network of socialists and some anarchist people's houses under the kind of populist centers very a really rich network of social institutions which would this put to the torch now of course they also had the help of middle and upper-middle class officers from the Army young men professionals students were all on the right but then by the way and they there's a combination of those two like you have in not in Germany in the by my Republican towards the end the combination of these two forces so Malatesta was conscious of that the way that many very let us say sectarian Marxist didn't understand that this could possibly we have in fact these people he was arguing with were the marks of the socialist Italian socialist body was their major plank was the socialization of the land in not the cooperation of the land not the land being taken over and created by cooperatives of the people on the ground but the socialization of the land by the Socialist Party and that was one of the reasons that you know that fascism got its territorial hold and then got into the cities I mean it was always in the city's fighting but could control the city's it surrounded like Maoism it surrounded the cities and then took them over in 1921-22 and he saw that happening which was very I mean under the person who wrote about this was Angela Tosca who wrote a famous book the rise of Italian for friend of branches who also saw this happening in this famous book about the rise of fascism so in that respect they were far more advanced than many Marxist who get laid in critical offices to do this but he has thrown very interesting things but I want I mean what was happening say this is you know you're gonna have hell to pay if you continue down this line socialist so that's what I was talking about and the idea about brickster to being a kind of war between the poor in some ways between people and sundaland who were from his kind of working-class background and then a new working class of London those young people young people who are on gig economy they're not you know they're also were there for X you know they're not for exit so this brexit thing becomes like lamb socialization it's very it's very explosive it's very possible to mobilize a populist movement a violent populist movement it was preparation and bulletins circulated before the Congress the Congress thought some of these Federation and some of these organizations sent delegates on behalf of their Federation's the Italian Federation had a Congress shortly before the Congress and similarly in most of the participants some people perhaps prepared rather badly the Spanish libertarians didn't manage to get that there was nobody present from directly in addition to that there were many newspapers and journals and media people so somebody came from the freedom newspaper in London Emma Goldman organized to raise funds from her friends and organization states so there was a mixture of individuals and organizations some better organized some not so well there were also some people who stayed away stayed away Kropotkin so it was quite interesting who came so there was a preparation over a year or two and actually there was preparations another Congress as to outcomes there were two networks that were set up International Energy Federation or Bureau which attempted to collect archives this this this is really the flavor of the month or decade for anarchist social history wishes tracing networks by reading all the newspapers the famous all that well lots of stuff but a lotta communion international reviewers social history by davide took opto right to die Malatesta but he wrote an article about Italian anarchism not even being Italian but being global based on its the Oscars which were political the Oscars and labor migration you know and what he did and then lots of other people have done somebody's done it for the for the Caribbean Schaefer was done in kind of anarchists and Caribbeans Pirates of the Caribbean addicts with carry which was about actually but spanish-speaking anarchist its language based networking so you'd have active London house in New Jersey Alexandria Egypt and and so through those networks of these papers that go and what they do is they look at who pays but you know sends donations you'll see people for the Italian case empty miners from Illinois or back Barre Vermont the Tarim on Holly workers that and then others in each I mean it's global like today you know without the internet what they did have is a telegram which goes as quickly as Internet's electricity so the Telegraph in some ways is the Victorian Edwardian Internet although if you're going to transmit things that are a bit sensitive you wouldn't want to do it on a telegraph to be honest with you but nevertheless it is a way of keeping things together Telegraph fast steamships and these global newspapers basically which clearly will you know the ship from one place to another by people traveling settlers people on the tram people who are exiled and that's become a big hobby for many historians now to tracings Network tell everything it carried away with themselves but this network that market is one and that's the way this happened it became at the networking that it's almost like people try to draw parallels with the global justice movement and those timing network of networks and all of that you know so they feed on each other so that's the kind of infrastructure behind what Tony's talking about there's also context across specific between Australian context between Chinese and Japanese anarchist and there's a wonderful article by Kenyan Zimmer who writes about this about about San Francisco in about 1905 we have this anarchist grouping of Chinese and Japanese an arc is coming to the United States Mexican Anika's fleeing Mexico and then anarchist from the East Coast who actually are immigrants Italians or Jews coming that way and then you have you know wasp anarchism who are you know the hard rock miners who were in the IWW or the Western Federation of miners all coming together in this crazy cosmopolitan mixture and imagine that networks they you know there's that's the entire world basically and then they have their own newspapers and present any port city in fact I'd say that you know the idea of the IWW you know trap OB union OB you politics influenced the development of the AEA you know the council east yeah either be double use if those books which sort of evolved into the AUD and the fo you did you know and obviously for IWW W literature is written which is people who were seasonal workers in the United States Great Plains in the West who wrote the rails hobo jungles that's where the iw got all this on that's where they had to you know that's that was a major recruiting ground for you you have to have your rww caught sometimes to get on a boxcar they were the actual you know actually controlled by the IWW [Applause] and

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